The Religious Political Identity of Kaum Sayid in the Ziarah Kubra Tradition in Palembang

: Ziarah Kubra is a religious tradition that developed in Palembang in an atmosphere of the revival of the spirit of Islamic diversity in Indonesia in the millennial period. The Ziarah Kubra tradition began to be popularized in 2003 by the Kaum Sayid in Palembang. The Kaum Sayid or Sayids is a community descended from the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH), who traveled worldwide, including Palembang.This article discusses the Ziarah Kubra tradition's phenomenon towards constructing the Kaum Sayid 's religious identity in Palembang. The research study in this article uses qualitative research methods with a phenomenological approach to the Ziarah Kubra tradition in Palembang. The Ziarah Kubra was originally a local religious practice of the Kaum Sayid in Palembang, which continued to develop into the collective religious identity of Islamic civilization in Indonesia. The construction of the religious-political identity of the Kaum Sayid in Palembang was formed, along with the acceptance and recognition of other communities and local elites to the religious authority of the Kaum Sayid in Palembang in the Ziarah Kubra tradition. This article shows that a religious tradition can be an institution of a local community's religious-political identity.


Introduction
Palembang, in its historical process from the Srivijaya period to the present, is one of the regions in the Malay Land that has become a typical home that is friendly to various nations and religions (Herwindo & Salim, 2022). Among these national and religious actors are Arabs of the group who have the title Sayid to show that they are descendants of the Prophet Muhammad. These Kaum Sayid greatly influenced international network trade in the Indian Ocean. In some places, such as in Siak, they have a substantial political influence, just like the political influence of the Bugis people in Johor. The tin trade from Palembang naturally attracted their attention. One of the consequences of their presence is that Palembang began to develop as a center of Islamic learning in the 18th century AD (Laffan, 2003;Manger, 2010;Ricklefs, 2001). This article uses a slightly different concept from Jeroen Peeters in identifying the Sayid community in Palembang. Jeroen Peeters used the idea of Alawiyyin to identify the Sayid community in Palembang (Peeters, 1997). The paper chose to use the concept of the Kaum Sayid, which is considered to be able to represent the entity of the Sayid community in Palembang. The terminology of the Kaum Sayid coincides with the concept of Kazuo Morimoto regarding the Sayyids (Morimoto, 2012).
The similarity of the Sayid religious identity with the local population in Palembang, their knowledge and literacy skills, and Islamic traditions made their position somewhat different from that of the Chinese. The Kaum Sayid integrated into the bureaucratic system of the Malay Sultanate Palembang was an enclave of Islamic kingdoms that flourished in the archipelago from the 16th to the 18th century and placed religion and literature as an essential part of the bureaucracy. The political position was ceded to the Arabs from among the Kaum Sayid; the palace scholars and literary writers in Palembang originally came from Arab circles. They can be considered the forerunners of the literati group-the traditional educated who worked for the kingdom (Zed, 2003).
Kaum Sayid in the Nusantara did not identify themselves as Arabs. Kaum Sayid in Palembang identified themselves as Palembang Malays. All people of any ethnicity can become Malays through acculturation by embracing Islam, speaking Malay, wearing Malay resam customs, and settling in the Malay region (Koentjaraningrat, 2007). Kaum Sayid in Palembang is a unique community that has become part of the history of Malay Islamic civilization. In the early millennial period, to maintain their religious identity, Kaum Sayid creativity in Palembang symbolizes socio-religious interaction through various religious traditions in Palembang, one of which is the Ziarah Kubra tradition. The relationship between the pilgrimage traditions of the Islamic Saint (Wali) and the Kaum Sayid community in Palembang is inseparable in their position as part of the Tarekat Alawiyah. The Ziarah Kubra tradition has transformed into a collective religious identity in Indonesia, with the increasing attention and quantity of pilgrims every year.
Some research relates to the pilgrimage tradition, the local Islamic tradition, and the religious authority of the Kaum Sayid. Research from Jamaludin, Tradisi Ziarah Kubur Dalam Masyarakat Melayu Kuantan. This study shows the uniqueness of the Malay pilgrimage tradition that distinguishes it from pilgrimage traditions outside the Malay community (Jamaludin, 2014). The depiction of the uniqueness of a pilgrimage tradition in the Malay community, especially in the Palembang Malay community, can be filled in the study of this article. Next is the research of Ahmad Syarif, The Production of Religious Identity in Post-Authoritarian. In his research in Palembang, Syarif examined the reformulation of Alawiyyin Islamic identity in Palembang after the fall of the Suharto regime in 1998 involving the global network of Tariqah Alawiyah (Syarif, 2014). This research is more of a descriptive discussion of religious production in Palembang and does not go deeper into the background of particular religious traditions, such as the Ziarah Kubra.
Another research is the Local Islamic Tradition in the Coastal Community of Palang Tuban, East Java, by Nur Syam. Through a social construction approach, this research places coastal communities as objects of research, which geographically have a different character from urban communities (Syam, 2002). The study in this article discusses the local Islamic tradition, namely the Ziarah Kubra in urban communities in Palembang. Then the research, Securing Their Place: The Ba _Alawi, Prophetic Piety and Islamic Resurgence in Indonesia. From this research focus on the religious identity of figures in the Alawiyah Order and the Alawiyyin community in Jakarta (Alatas, 2009). This article fills a more specialized follow-up research space on the Kaum Sayid in Palembang and their religious tradition in the form of the Ziarah Kubra.
Furthermore, the article focuses on the discussion of the construction of the religious-political Identity of the Kaum Sayid in Palembang on contemporary Islamic civilization in Indonesia in the Ziarah Kubra tradition.
The research study in this article uses qualitative research methods with a phenomenological approach to the Ziarah Kubra tradition in Palembang. This research is field research in the field of socio-religious history using past variables. The phenomenon of the Ziarah Kubra tradition as a socioreligious symptom in the study of the construction of the religious-political identity of the Kaum Sayid in Palembang is described holistically without manipulative treatment. The primary data source for this study was the result of interviews with informants, namely people from among the Kaum Sayid in Palembang. The secondary data sources include research reports, encyclopedias, researchers' field notes, textbooks, journals, and magazines. Through data analysis, the author outlines the facts of socio-religious history. In synthesis, they combined or unified the facts of socio-religious history chronologically.

Kaum Sayid in Palembang
Looking at its origin, Kaum Sayid in Palembang comes from the line of descent of Sayidina Husain bin Ali and Sayidina Hasan bin Ali, son of Sayyidina Ali. Furthermore, the end of the 18th century marked Kaum Sayid success in integrating kinship networks with local aristocrats in the Malay Lands, including in Palembang (Peeters, 1997).
As previously explained, the Arabs had begun to exist in Palembang since the time of Srivijaya, which was initially only for trading, so they did not stay long in this area. From the 12th to the 15th centuries, several Arab colonies of the Kaum Sayid faction lived in several port cities in coastal regions in India, such as Gujarat, Malabar, Bijapur, and Surat. Only later from India, Kaum Sayid spread to Southeast Asia, in particular to the territory of Malaysia and Indonesia. The first phase likely occurred around the sixteenth century (Serjeant, 1981).
Palembang itself is the destination city of this Kaum Sayid. Before going to Palembang, they may have gone to Aceh first. Over time, the Arabs of Kaum Sayid began to settle down and established their settlements in Palembang. This evidence can be seen from a map made by the Dutch in the 17th century AD, located in Patrajaya or Bagus Sekuning Cemetary (Purwanti, 2016).
The Hadrami, present at the beginning of the 17th century in Palembang, was from the Kaum Sayid. Those who include the Sayid Hadrami in Palembang include the clans of Sheikh Abubakar, Assegaf, Al-Idrus, Al-Attas, Al-Habsyi, Al-Haddad, Al-Kaf, Shahab, and so on. The woman people of Kaum Sayid were given the title of Sharifah. In the use of the title in the social setting in Palembang society, a Kaum Sayid is usually called 'ayeb' or the plural of 'ayeban', and sharifah is called 'ipah' or the plural 'pacian'. The title call of Habib usually applies to the Kaum Sayid, who is considered the oldest or most knowledgeable. However, in its development, at the end of the 20th century AD, all Kaum Sayid was called the title Habib or abeb.
The Hadrami faction, which was also present in Palembang, was only at the end of the 19th century AD, namely from the non-Sayid group referred to as the masyaeh or sheikh group, which belonged to this layer was the al-Bafadhol, Bahraq, Basumbul, Joban, Bawazir, al-Bajabir, Basyaib clans and so on. The social structure of the Hadrami people had a direct impact on religious life in the Malay world. In its social system, society in Hadramaut is characterized by a particular stratification. The Kaum Sayid represented a social elite that inherited theological authority. They exercise this authority in various contexts, such as religious ceremonies, serving as clerics in religious schools, and acting as mediators between the parties to the conflict. The sheikh faction assisted their authority in this area. Even in the Malay Lands, the religious dominance of the Kaum Sayid in the religious field also remained significant (Riddell, 1997).
Not all Kaum Sayid in Southeast Asia are from Hadramaut, and not everyone who comes from Hadramaut is Kaum Sayid. Kaum Sayid is a minority among the immigrants from Hadramaut. However, the Ḥadrami in Indonesia is collectively called Arabs or tribes of Arab descent. In addition to genealogy, their mating pattern separates Kaum Sayid from non-sayid. Kaum Sayid often prevents his daughter, usually known as sharifah, from marrying a non-sayid. On the other hand, Kaum Sayid men are free to marry anyone associated with a genealogical and ethnic background. This marriage pattern maintains the identity of the Kaum Sayid (Morimoto, 2012) The preservation of genealogical records and the asymmetrical marriage system is an advanced method of Kaum Sayid in the world in preserving identity that has remained preserved until 14 centuries. In the first stage of emigration from Hadramaut, far more men than women arrived in Sumatra. Therefore, the first generation of immigrants consisted mainly of Arab men who intermarried with women of the Palembang patrician neighborhood. Compared to the Arab community in Java, Palembang, the peranakan (hybrid) generation element is very prominent (Peeters, 1997) The Sayid Hadramauts who came directly from Arabia to the Malay lands are commonly called Wulaiti, while those born from marriage with local women were born into the Muwallad group, which means peranakan descendants (Hamka, 1975). This muwallad group is also commonly called hybrid or peranakan descendants (Braithwaite, 1968). The Kaum Sayid Peranakan or muwallad born in Palembang characterize more as Palembang Malays than Arabs. The tremendous cultural interaction showed that until the end of the 18th century, the Hadrami community in the Nusantara did not identify as Arabs. They managed to become Malays, Bugis, Minangkabau. How the local communities were successfully adopted, and the solid kinship ties made them not seen as foreigners but as part of a very pluralist Nusantara. This kind of interaction reminds us how important it is to observe the Hadrami community in the Nusantara before the new era of Imperialism as hybridity and not as an ethnic Arab (Alatas, 2010).
Another progressive social method carried out by the Kaum Sayid in Palembang to bind kinship with the local population in Palembang is the system of milk brother or susonan. The locals became relatives with the Sayid family through the brothers of one side. This form of relationship also tends to be asymmetrical since it is usually the one who offers the baby to be the son of suson from the local population or from among the local aristocrats in the hope of getting blessings and establishing a brotherly bond with the Kaum Sayid as descendants of the Messenger of Allah.
In daily communication in their social life, the Kaum Sayid in Palembang uses Palembang Malay and market Arabic which tends to be informal. Their presence, almost four centuries in Palembang, made the Kaum Sayid in Palembang truly become Malays. Their continued Arab identity is a genealogical record as descended from the Prophet Muhammad. So it is not surprising why most of the Kaum Sayid in Palembang do not speak Arabic. Arabic is only taught in madrasah, not in public schools. In addition, they have adapted to the Palembang Malay way of life socially and culturally so that they can no doubt be called Malay.
The Kaum Sayid in Palembang was further divided into several clans. Each clan of the Kaum Sayid has a lineage that is continued up to Imam Ali RA, and Fatimah binti Muhammad Rasulullah SAW. The following are the Kaum Sayid clan names that still exist and have existed in Palembang: 1. Shahab, 2. Al-Qadri, 3. Al-Kaf, 4.As-Shathry, 5. Shehabubakar, 6. Al-Musawa, 7. 8.Aidid,9.Bilfaqih,10. Ba'bud,11. Ba Faqih,13 The settlement pattern of the Kaum Sayid in Palembang shows several striking traits. A unique Kampong has been provided for the Arabs in the major cities of Java. They were not allowed to live outside this enclave, so a large concentration of Kaum Sayid Hadrami migrants was usually formed in a Kampong. However, the map of Palembang shows these distorted developments and common patterns. Palembang sketches from 1821, which are stored in the KITLV collection, mention two Kaum Sayid Kampong on the ilir side and the plexus of the Musi River. The Hadramaut community spread to other Kampong in Palembang from these two centers. This expansion of space eventually stretched from Kampong 7 to 16 Ulu on the south bank and from Kampong 8 to 15 Ilir on the north bank of the Musi river (Peeters, 1997).
During the Palembang Kingdom, which was centered on the Kuto Gawang Palace from the 1550s -1659, the Kaum Sayid settlement was located outside the fence of the palace wall or opposite it. The earliest Kaum Sayid settlements were dominated by families of clerics or advisors to the king, as revealed from the data on the tombs of the sultan's clerics in various burial complexes in Palembang. It is also thought that the first mosque in Palembang was established before 1659. The mosque caught fire in a battle when Major Joan Van Der Laen invaded Palembang in 1659. In 1663 another mosque was established in the city of Palembang, known as the Masjid Lamo (Rahim, 1998 The religious Identity of Kaum Sayid is inseparable from their religious activities. In spiritual practice, they have a mission to proselytize wherever they are. This mission is an obligation so that in their proselytizing, there is no other motivation except the mission (Shahab, 2014). Most Kaum Sayid in the Nusantara are Suni and have the Shafii sect, and the same school is embraced by Muslims in the Nusantara (Morimoto, 2012).It can be understood that each community has its way of doing a tradition. One form of religious practice that Kaum Sayid routinely carries out in Palembang is the ziarah tradition.
Ziarah kubur (Grave pilgrimages) were initially forbidden and allowed. Buraidah ibn Al-Hushaib of the Messenger of Allah s.a.w said, "Verily I once forbade you to visit the tomb, then (now) visiting the tomb." (Imam Muslim and Abu Daud). Of course, there is a reason that grave pilgrimages are allowed, not without the cause and value of the wisdom conveyed. Symptoms of ziarah (pilgrimage) culture played an essential role in the spread of Islam. Furthermore, the phenomenon of pilgrimage and wali is the most living form of Islam (Chambert-Loir & Guillot, 2010).
Various sources have reported that ziarah to the tombs of great men has been going on since the Nusantara people have not embraced Islam. This belief continues to grow, even until the Nusantara people accept Islam. The tradition of ziarah to the wali tomb, which shows the existence of a belief in the specialty of the spirits of a particular figure, seems to be a compromise between the old beliefs and the teachings of Islam. Islam came to the Nusantara as a Sufism continent. Historians suggest that the spreaders of Islam in Java (even the Nusantara) were almost entirely leaders of the Tarekat (Dhofier, 1994).
The Kaum Sayid in Palembang has its burial location, which they usually call gubah, not too far from their settlement. The mention of the term gubah for the location of the cemetery, commonly used in Palembang for the site of burials that existed before Indonesia became independent, not only among the Kaum Sayid but also among the people of Palembang in general. The terminology of gubah is closely related to the shape of the roof of the tomb building of Sultan Mahmud Badarudin I in the Kawah Tekurep cemetery and the tomb of Sultan Mahmud Badarudin II in the ternate in the form of Qubba or Cupola. The word Qubba or Cupola, which means the roof of a building, is halfelliptical. Some of the tombs of the great saints of the Kaum Sayid in Hadramaut use the Qubba model in their tomb buildings (Ho, 2006).
Before the term gubah, the location of the cemetery in Palembang was called a Petak. In the Manuscript of the Silsilah Raja-raja Palembang, the collection of Raden Haji Abdul Habib Prabu Diraja, it is stated that the burial place of the family and relatives of Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin Jayo Wikramo is called Petak Lemabang (Diradja, 1935). Many of the Gubah, located five to twenty meters above the river's water level, are a legacy of the sultanate's time. There are 245 waqf on the ilir side and 52 gubah on the Ulu side of the city (Peeters, 1997). Some of the Gubah were owned by the Kaum Sayid, such as Gubah Duku, Gubah Kambang Koci, Gubah Pangeran Syarif Ali Bin Syehbubakar and Gubah Telago Swidak.
In Indonesia and the Malay World, the tomb of the wali is closely explicitly related to the grave's location and the local phenomenon of its existence, which is tied to the place and irreplaceable in the area (Mandal, 2012). As part of the teachings of Tariqah Alawiyah, the ziarah tradition of the wali and 'ulama has begun since the Kaum Sayid was carried out in Palembang from the beginning of their arrival in Palembang around the mid of the 17th century AD (Syukri, 2015). This ziarah tradition became popular after the beginning of the 21st century under the name of Ziarah Kubra.

The Religious Political Identity of Kaum Sayid and the Ziarah Kubra Tradition
The spirit of religion is increasingly strengthening among young people from among Kaum Sayid so that Islamic syi'ar through this ziarah tradition can benefit more significantly. Since 2003, the tradition of the Ziarah Penutup has been popularised into the Ziarah Kubra. The Ziarah Kubra is carried out within three days, with the time being held a week before the month of Ramadan. In a few years of its implementation, the Ziarah Kubra Tradition attracted tens of thousands of pilgrims from within Palembang and other cities in Indonesia and abroad (figure 1). Among them are pilgrims from the middle east and the Malay Peninsula.

Figure 1 The Entourage of Pilgrims on the Ziarah Kubra
Pilgrimage is one of the essential traditions in Islamic civilization. Victor W. Turner pointed to two critical sides in the pilgrimage, symbolization and ritual performance, that can be used to analyze the social structure of people's lives. Based on these two things, Turner suggests the existence of an antistructural condition, in which people who make a pilgrimage will escape or release themselves consciously and unconsciously from their respective structures or backgrounds and socio-cultural ties (Turner & Abrahams, 1969) In Indonesia and the Malay world, the location of sacred burials is closely related to the shrines of a Wali (Islamic Saint), which in this case explains the landscape and personal specifications of the Wali (Mandal, 2012). The issue of ziarah wali in Indonesia is still an issue that has not been responded to uniformly by all people. In a market-oriented society, the way of looking at the world (as well as towards religion) has shifted. Religion, in this case, is not a source of value in forming a lifestyle but rather an instrument for the lifestyle itself. Carrying out the Hajj is no longer a mere spiritual (sacred) journey. Still, it has also become a "product" consumed in the context of self-identification, which Friedman (1991) calls a form of the cultural strategy of self-definition (Abdullah, 2007).
The cultural strategy of the Kaum Sayid in Palembang in the Ziarah Kubra provides a religious and political identity accompanied by a moral obligation and several values in which the principle of love and brotherhood occupies a central position. A collective pilgrimage is an opportunity to re-establish the bonds that have begun to become strained by current living conditions and to rediscover, though only for a moment, a sense of community among members of tarekat. The followers nevertheless considered the Ziarah Wali, who was regarded as a perfect man, who was higher in degree and transcended the limitations of the material world. So the ziarah (pilgrimage) is an opportunity to experience the feeling of collective identity and rekindle the relationship of familiarity that is difficult to maintain amid modern life. The Kaum Sayid has become a kind of "spiritual noble" group that enjoys several unique social rights during its life and is said to be forgiven all its sins when it dies. The descending characteristic of Islam of that sanctity illustrates why many people descended from the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) were entombed as saints after death (Chambert-Loir & Guillot, 2010).
The Ziarah Kubra, a model, searching for local identity in Indonesia, seeks to redirect their identity through religion, ethnicity, and cultural practices. At this stage, concrete actions restore the religious memory of the past and connect it to the present as a functional aspect of religion. This action restores the religious memory of the past as a chain of beliefs that develops and is controlled through memory in religious traditions (Hervieu-Léger, 2000). Religious traditions such as ziarah that have always lived in the cosmology of modernization pose anomalies. Roland lnglehart and Pippa Norris (Marijan, 2010) underscore the theoretical view of modernization about the reduction, even death, of religion within society and the process of modernization. The Kinship ties of Kaum Sayid formed a very dynamic and cohesive social group that greatly influenced the development of Islam in the Indian Ocean. Kaum Sayid contributed to the rise of Islam even though they were very limited in number.
The Ziarah Kubra is an attempt by the Kaum Sayid in Palembang to break away from the symbolization of secularism that continues to go hand in hand with modernism. The source of knowledge for Muslims is God, spelled out in the Koran and Sunah. Islamic epistemology is relational epistemology. That relational epistemology has saved Muslims from subjective and objective secularization. Subjective secularization occurs when the linkage between religious experience and everyday experience is broken. Objective secularization occurs when religion is already separated from other symptoms, for example, economics and politics in everyday reality. The ideology of Pancasila declares itself not a religious state but not a secular state. Islam is not based on the individual's absolute independence or the state's absolute power; there are human rights and individual independence, but there are also rights of collectivity. It is all regulated in sharia, like traffic signs (Kuntowijoyo, 1997). The Ziarah Kubra Procession is a collective action of Muslims. Many people are Muslims but only think Islam is a religion and forget that Islam is also a collectivity. As a collectivity, Islam has awareness and structure and can carry out joint actions, including political interests.
Many factors led to the recurrence of the politicization of religion. However, as Emile Sahliyeh (1990) underlined, the resurgence of the politicization of religion "can also be explained by employing resource mobilization models'. Inside this model, there are three main components (Marijan, 2010).
First is the emergence of the influence of religious groups on the political stage. The second is that the emergence of these groups depends mainly on sources such as political leadership, organizational structures, networks, cadres, funds, ideologies, and socioeconomic status. Finally, specific incentives, reasons, and motivations provide a strong foundation for the re-emergence of religious groups in politics. The Ziarah Kubra is one of the models of religious-political identity resurgence that developed in Palembang at the beginning of the 21st century.
Talking about religious and political identity must be distinguished from the conversation of identity politics because identity politics is concerned with the practical political interests of interest groups. Political Identity speaks of subjective values and intentions that are chosen, assessed, and utilized by members of society. High level of cultural interdependence, Kaum Sayid uses Ziarah Kubra as the cultural identity to present a political identity (Xiaomei & Shimin, 2014). Religious-political identity recognizes one group's religious identity and another (Rosenblum, 2003). Understanding religious-political identity is the recognition of other communities and its acceptance as the collective identity of other community groups.
Religion itself can be a source of power in politics. Politically related religious patterns are intertwined in a system known as the religious, political system. The system of political religion, according to Smith, has always been characterized by three essential components: (1) a religious ideology of an integralist nature; (2) mechanisms of religious control in society; and (3) dominant political power (Smith, 1985). A religious leader or expert has a scope of political power as a taker or holder of religious authority whose territory is determined by a particular religious ruler or authority.The same religious identity in society is part of the sacred factor in political behavior within society. The existence of religious plurality and the pattern of religious thought in religion can naturally also shape a person's political behavior. Concerning actors in political power, there is a concept of political behavior determined by society's collective identity (Sastroatmodjo, 1995).
Ziarah Kubra tradition succeeded in reducing the boundaries of the religious Identity of Kaum Sayid in Palembang, with other communities and elements of society in Palembang fused into the socio-religious identity. This pattern is discussed with the concept of emancipatory politics, which is an ethnic strategy to present its ethnicity in a social setting that tends to disappear ethnic boundaries. In this way, the process of authenticity shows the characteristics of the existence of a group as an ethnicity. The method of affirmation of ethnicity can also be carried out by its environment or by other ethnicities for particular interests. In this series of social processes, ethnicity is no longer something biologically carried but is a social construct whose validity occurs due to the meaning in a series of interactions between one ethnicity and another (Abdullah, 2007).
The Ziarah Kubra tradition symbolizes the modernity of the religious tradition constructed by Kaum Sayid in Palembang from the beginning as a local identity that transformed into a transnational and global religious collective identity. During the Ziarah Kubra procession, the pilgrims visited the cemetery. They listened to sermons, interacted with pilgrims, and listened to the manakib (stories of the life journeys of the saints). On which the solidarity was pilgred often exceeded other identities such as nationality, ethnicity, and race. Ziarah Kubra was the main one for this process; it is a vehicle for transmitting and interacting ideas, cultures, and societies.
Reproduction of the legitimacy of the acceptance of the saints visited in the Ziarah Kubra procession. Ziarah connects the symbolization of legitimacy and blessings of the Wali (Islamic saints). In the Ziarah Kubra, Sufistic religious rituals such as the recitation of the Wali manakib, sermons, and the mysticism of the miracle Wali is a tool that neutralizes locally and globally, mixing them into practical rituals where groups of pilgrims share experiences through stories, history, myths, and sermons. The ziarah tradition implies the naturalization of Islam in Southeast Asia, where the tarekat Sufi plays an essential role in managing the naturalization of Islam into the local culture (Hodgson, 1977).
The romantic conception of symbolizing the religious authority of Kaum Sayid of Palembang in the Ziarah Kubra is a process of reproduction of religious identity and source in the form of a historical configuration of the figures of the clerics of the Palembang Sultanate. The copy of the legitimacy of the berkah (blessings) of the Wali (Saints) was visited in the Ziarah Kubra procession.
The procession of the Ziarah Kubra follows the ritual pattern of the ziarah of Prophet Hud a.s. in Hadramaut involving thousands of pilgrims, which is carried out by the Tarekat Alawiyah and Kaum Sayid network in Yemen in the month of Syakban. During the Ziarah Kubra, the pilgrims visited a cemetery of historical and archaeological value, such as Gubah Pangeran Syarif Ali BSA, Gubah Kawah Tekurep, and Gubah Kambang Koci. The cemetery site is legally and formally protected by undangundang Number 11 of 2010 concerning Cultural Heritage. The acculturation process of Malay cultural values in the Ziarah Kubra tradition makes the Ziarah Kubra the cultural Identity of the Kaum Sayid in Palembang and the identity of Palembang Malay culture, which can become a medium for national integration on a local and national scale.
The pattern of social cohesion in the Ziarah Kubra tradition is manifested in the involvement of socio-political groups outside the Kaum Sayid, such as government elements, private elements, and communities who feel they have socio-religious ties to Islamic traditions in Palembang. The Kaum Sayid in Palembang secured their religious identity with all their peculiarities and socio-religious assets. The primary function of the pilgrimage is the representation of a community's identity (Gladney, 1987). The Ziarah Kubra ritual is carried out by visiting the tombs of the saints of the Kaum Sayid ancestors in Palembang. This Ziarah Kubra was carried out as a symbol of the bond of religious identity of the Kaum Sayid in Palembang with their ancestors and the Islamic world between nations. In the Ziarah Kubra tradition, the Kaum Sayid in Palembang shows a social identity of diversity, the reconnection of genealogical social ties with their predecessors, and the symbolization of social cohesion in interaction with different cultures (Hobswamb & Ranger, 1983).
The construction of the religious-political Identity of Kaum Sayid in Palembang is connected to their spiritual and political activities. The study of Islam in Palembang itself tends to be marginalized in Islamic studies in the Nusantara, especially studying the religious-political Identity of Kaum Sayid in Palembang. The Ziarah Kubra, as a manifestation of the religious and political Identity of Kaum Sayid in Palembang, is part of the sacred factor in political behavior in society. The existence of religious plurality and the pattern of religious thought in religion can naturally also shape the political behavior of a community to adapt and maintain the interests and authorities they have in the face of various kinds of social changes.
In any case, Kaum Sayid has shown remarkable adaptability to change the social, cultural, and political situation inside and outside the ḥadramaut. Various historians and anthropologists have researched Ḥadramaut and Ḥadrami migrations in the Indian Ocean, especially since the 1990s. Ulrike Freitag's and Engseng Ho studies show how Kaum Sayid secures or improves their societal position when facing new situations (Freitag, 2003;Ho, 2006). Ismail fajrie Alatas emphasized the recent development of the Tarekat Alawiyah and the successful adaptation of Kaum Sayid, especially young sayyids, to contemporary political and cultural conditions in the Indonesian state (Alatas, 2009). The reasons for such adaptability can be found in the diversity of clan members regarding professional background, education, and even culture, and the emphasis on education, whether traditionally Islamic or modern (Arai, 2004).
Religious values and practices also play an increasingly important role in providing members of minority and ethnic immigrant communities the opportunity to strengthen community ties and improve their social standing and identity, which promotes the idea that religious beliefs should form the basis for action (Saunders & Sakai, 2012). Minako Sakai analyzed how traditional religions adapted their ritual activities amid a wave of modernization driven by the New Order regime. He observed that the village of Gumai in South Sumatra adapted the sacred sites containing the tombs of their ancestors by incorporating Islamic elements into their rituals to conform to the proper Islamic teachings approved by the state. Sakai's work shows that the sacred concept is not static but intertwined with social, economic, and political circumstances.
It also suggests that the capacity of certain religious and ethnic groups to adapt and modify their rituals and practices is essential for such groups to survive. The Kaum Sayid has shown remarkable adaptability to change social, cultural, and political situations inside and outside. Various historians and anthropologists have researched Ḥadrami and Ḥadrami migrations in the Indian Ocean, especially since the 1990s. The studies conducted by Ulrike Freitag, Engseng Ho, and Arai show how Kaum Sayid secured or improved their position in society when facing new situations (Arai, 2004).
Ziarah Kubra as a model of the social cohesion of the Kaum Sayid in Palembang as a method of socio-religious adaptation of the Kaum Sayid in Palembang, popularized in the early 21st century. Social cohesion here is the interconnectedness among individuals of social groups that facilitates the distribution of collaborative and equitable resources at the household, community, and state levels. A society can be cohesive because of things like sharing ethnicity and religion. The Ziarah Kubra as a religious tradition can also help to bind the community together by strengthening the feeling of unity in its people. Social cohesion is essential for societal stability and facilitates poverty's material slowdown and psychological tension. It also affirms the identity ofind individuals and groups and includes rather than excludes less powerful groups (Narayan-Parker, 2000).
The Ziarah Kubra came from the social cohesion of the Kaum Sayid community moving into a religious-political identity in Palembang, whose estuary became the collective identity of Islamic religion in the Nusantara of the 21st century. Ziarah Kubra tradition succeeded in reducing the boundaries of the religious identity of the Kaum Sayid in Palembang with other communities and society in Palembang, melting into the social and religious identity. The pattern played by the Kaum Sayid is discussed with the concept of emancipatory politics as an ethnic strategy to present its ethnicity in a social setting that tends to disappear ethnic boundaries. In this way, the process of authenticity shows the characteristics of the existence of a group as an ethnicity. The process of affirmation of ethnicity can be carried out by its environment or by another ethnicity for specific interests. Kaum Sayid in Palembang, as a minority community, maintained their religious identity by popularising the ziarah penutup tradition, the local Identity of the Kaum Sayid in Palembang, into the Ziarah Kubra tradition, as the collective Identity of Islamic religion in the Nusantara in the early 21st century.

Conclusion
The Ziarah Kubra tradition popularised by Kaum Sayid in Palembang in the sacred realm is far from practical political desires, the implementation of sharia, or the establishment of an Islamic state. Through this Ziarah Kubra tradition, Kaum Sayid in Palembang also reaffirmed the holy procession of the ziarah Wali in Palembang, which has been going on for generations by the ancestors of Kaum Sayid of Palembang, visiting several tombs of clerics and Wali from among Kaum Sayid in Palembang. The Ziarah Kubra tradition is an indicator and catalyst for the spirit of Islamic diversity in the Malay Land, which is humanist, elegant, egalitarian, and able to lift the nation's identity in the millennial era. As a collective pilgrimage model, the Ziarah Kubra minimizes broader social polarisation between religious communities on the one hand and the state on the other, an essential element in maintaining regional stability through the stability model of socio-religious elements as a sub-part of national integration.
The involvement of local and international pilgrims in the implementation of pilgrimage traditions by Kaum Sayid is part of the routine of religious life within the network of the Tarekat Alawiyah. Kaum Sayid in Palembang reconstructed their religious-political identity by popularising the Ziarah Kubra tradition in the millennial era. The acculturation process of Malay cultural values makes the Ziarah Kubra the religious-political Identity of the Kaum Sayid Palembang and the identity of Palembang Malay culture.