Map of Social-Cultural Dakwah Communications (Da'i) and Audience (Mad'u) in Padang City

This study aims to describe the map of da'wah in the city of Padang, focusing on studies on religious groups. In addition, the research explores the patterns of interaction and communication between da'i and mad'u in the city of Padang. The research location was carried out at four points, namely the Districts of Koto Tangah, Nanggalo, South Padang, and Bungus Teluk Kabung. The research was conducted with a qualitative approach. Data collection techniques were obtained through observation, interviews, and documentation. Key informants in the study consisted of preachers, religious leaders, and the community (mad'u). The findings show that religious groups spread over four sub-districts, such as Muhammadiyah, NU, and Perti. In other groups, such as in Padang Selatan, the Tablighi Jamaat and several Tarekat groups were found. The pattern of relations between da'i and mad'u in four sub-districts is in the form of relations between organizations, egalitarian or neutral. While the interaction between the two shows a friendly, mutually promoting, and neutral attitude. The implications of the research are providing information and guidance for religious communicators in analyzing the sociocultural conditions of the mad'u group in designing messages and da'wah programs that can drive social change.


INTRODUCTION
The meaning of da'wah is not just calling people to the path of God and applying Islamic values in the frame of individual obedience and piety in life. However, da'wah is also interpreted as an activity of the process of socializing Islamic teachings to change the social order of society that is not by Islamic teachings toward the social order created by the teachings of Islam. Thus da'wah is understood as a systematic effort to improve the quality and quantity of people's lives (Faqih, 2015). These efforts must be considered, planned, designed, implemented, and evaluated on an ongoing basis. In addition to being based on the authority of the verses in the Qur'an, da'wah activities must also be based on social changes and the objective conditions of the sociocultural life of mad'u. In order to obtain a definite picture of the field of da'wah, it is necessary to study, analyze and re-diagnose the implementation and formulation of da'wah activities and activities so that da'wah is more humanistic and not just in the eschatological zone. Related to this, of course, requires clarity from the da'wah map.
Da'wah maps are needed as descriptive, systematic projections and narratives about the social reality of society as the object and subject of da'wah. The da'wah map depicts social situations, culture, socio-religious organizations, and human resources, which are then carried out to obtain solutions (Abdullah, 2008). The da'i will have difficulty delivering their da'wah if they do not understand the abovementioned aspects. Because those who deserve to be preachers, the methods used and the material presented are all based on the type of society (Faqih, 2015). In the context of Islam, with all the diversity of mad'u backgrounds and religious perspectives, of course, da'wah activity is not an easy thing for preachers (da'i) to do. Because if it is not appropriate to select da'wah messages with the type of society, it will cause conflict because of these differences. Therefore, it is not uncommon to find cases of refusal of preachers in certain societies. The refusal is considered a mismatch between da'i and mad'u, and the da'wah message conveyed does not touch the side of people's lives (Irhamdi, 2019).
Many previous researchers have carried out studies on da'wah maps. Existing studies tend first to examine the importance of using da'wah maps (Aziz, 2015;Kusnawan, 2017), and secondly, mapping the condition of preachers. Syamsul Yakin, in his study mapping the educational background conditions of the preachers (Yakin, 2020), the same thing was also done in the Mawardi Siregar study but focused more on the methods and content of the material presented by the preachers (Siregar, 2021;Sadiri, 2018;Parida, 2020). They were third, mapping the condition of mad'u seen from the composition of the population, houses of worship, including mad'u education and work (Nawawi, 2008;Kango, 2020;Ghozali, 2021). They are fourth, mapping as a da'wah strategy (Karim et al., 2021;Arifin, 2019;Estuningtyas, 2021;Harahap, 2019;Kusnawan & Rustandi, 2021). Some of the tendencies above still mention the importance of the da'wah map, both in terms of the condition of da'i and mad'u only. However, the mapping of da'wah as well as how the pattern of relations and interactions between the two (da'i and mad'u) in the socio-cultural sphere has not been discussed much. In comparison, the relationship between da'i and mad'u and the map of the mad'u group is an aspect that cannot be separated from the category of the da'wah map itself.
This research was conducted in the city of Padang by taking a sample of four sub-districts, namely Koto Tangah, Nanggalo, South Padang, and Bungus Teluk Kabung sub-districts. The determination of these four subdistricts is based on the consideration that Padang City is a Metropolis City and is the center of the capital city of West Sumatra Province. The people of Padang City are representative enough to represent other regions in West Sumatra because of the heterogeneity of their multicultural society. In its analysis of the mapping of da'wah in the city of Padang, this study uses the theory of Social Network Theory and Symbolic Interactionist Theory. Social network theory is used to see community groups in da'wah activities in Padang City. In the view of this theory, social relations are bound by beliefs maintained by existing norms. Social networks are formed because of a sense of knowing each other (Lawang, 2005). Meanwhile, symbolic interactionist theory is used to understand actors or actors in da'wah activities in Padang City (Marshalll, 1989).
This study, in the form of qualitative research, uses the purposive sampling technique in data collection. Sources of data in this study are primary and secondary data. Primary data is addressed to da'i who are actively carrying out da'wah, congregations, and community leaders. In comparison, secondary data is obtained from literature such as books, journals, and other media related to the issues raised. The research instrument is the researcher himself as the main instrument (Lexy, 2000). Another instrument extension of the researcher is the observation guide  (Budiman, 2002) and interviews. The validity of the data is carried out by considering four criteria: credibility, transferability, dependability, and confirmation. After obtaining the data, it is analyzed using theories and concepts to discuss contextual analysis inductively and deductively to present actual reality data (emic) as expected in qualitative research (Pathon, 1990).
Accordingly, this study aims to look at the objective conditions of the situation, potential, and traditions in the aspect of group activities, patterns of relationships, and interactions of religious communicators as educators of the ummah and mad'u (audience) concerning da'wah activities in four sub-districts in Padang City. In addition, it is also a guide for action and a reference for religious communicators in compiling modules and methods of da'wah or educating the community with a cultural approach. Starting from the discussion above, this study is based on the argument that the da'wah map not only makes it easier for communicators to convey their da'wah but also forms a pattern of relationships between communicators and various religious groups in the city of Padang.

Inclusive and Exclusive Religious Groups
In general, da'wah activities that grow and develop in society are dominated by religious groups. These religious groups are categorized as inclusive and exclusive groups. Inclusive or exclusive is a form of religious understanding of a person. Inclusive adherents in understanding religion tend to be open. This inclusive understanding emerges without erasing the truth values contained in other religions. Through an inclusive understanding, at least an ummah can mingle and live in harmony with adherents of other religions (Fuadi, 2018). More than that, inclusivism must be understood as a positive perspective on the plurality of human life that prioritizes being tolerant, open, flexible, and willing to accept the truth outside of itself (Abidin, 2013). Meanwhile, exclusive religious attitudes tend to be closed, rigid, and not open to other groups (Djunaidi, 2016).
Groups such as Muhammadiyah, Nahdhatul Ulama, and Persatuan Tarbiyah Islamiyah are categorized as inclusive groups. Inclusive here is in the context of groups whose da'wah activities are more open. The recitations are open to the public, even though they have different organizations. These three study groups are found in all sub-districts, namely Koto Tangah, Nanggalo, Bungus Teluk Kabung and South Padang.
Recitation activities are still traditional, are not collaborative and innovative, and still rely on what the preachers want. The media used are still using traditional media, in the sense that direct media does not have innovation as a new media condition.
Concerning the da'wah figures, it was found that religious communicators have very varied educational backgrounds with various professions, such as lecturers, ustaz, and tarekat teachers. This was confirmed by the statements of the leaders and community who received the da'wah, which was observed from the distribution of preachers' schedules in various houses of worship. Da'wah figures have da'wah organizations, and some have joined da'wah organizations and are neutral (Syahriwal, Interview, 2021).
In Nanggalo District, there is a da'wah organization known as the Muhammadiyah and Tablighi Assembly, while the Bungus Teluk Kabung sub-district is known as the Bungus Teluk Kabung Mubaligh Unity. On the other hand, in some mosques, some religious communicators are dominated by the government. In this case, the government, as the subject of da'wah, is also active in conveying religious messages, as a partner of da'wah, generally occupying executive and legislative positions (Zul Akhyar Interview, 2021).
The reality above shows that the da'wah figures in each sub-district come from various religious organizations, both those who are members of the da'wah organizations built by Islamic organizations or those that mingle with the government. Each communicator forms a bond in the form of an institution that accommodates the da'i in facilitating their da'wah. Actions like this in social network theory are called knots or ties. A node is an actor within an individual, while a bond is a relationship between these actors. Social networks are formed because of a sense of mutual knowledge and information and help each other do something. This social network concept refers to relationships with other people or groups that allow activities to run efficiently and effectively (Lawang, 2005).
If we look at the material presented by religious groups, there is no understanding of radicalism. Because of various information provided by several informants, cases of violence in the name of religion can clearly be said to be a series of deviations from certain sections of Muslim society from the existing framework of Islamic theological doctrines. Theoretically, religious communicators believe that radicalism is more similar to theology from an Islamic perspective, namely Khawarij theology. Azyumardi Azra Ilmu Dakwah: Academic Journal for Homiletic Studies 16(1) (2022) 19-36 explained that the khawarij validates the use of violence and calls for jihad against other Muslims with different views and practices of Islam. In this context, the khawarij develop a conceptual framework for their belief, with the first indicator, takfiri, namely denying other Muslims who have different views, the second is a hijrah, namely migration from an area controlled by other Muslims, and the third jihad, which means declaring war on other Muslims who refuse to follow their group's views (Azra, 1999).
If examined further, religious actors provide a contextual theological perspective relevant to the message of humanity. First is the theology of modernism. This theology motivates human progress and openness. Scholarly sources in Indonesia, such as Nurcholish Madjid and Harun Nasution, although not all religious communicators and Muhammadiyah and non-Muhammadiyah organizations agree with the Indonesian intellectual thinkers of his time. Second transformative theology, this understanding, wants to bring about the transformation of Muslim society in order to achieve progress. Progress must start from the bottom. This understanding initiated by Moeslim Abdurrahman emphasizes the changing order of modernity in the Islamic world (Robikah, 2017). Third, inclusive understanding develops tolerance between religions and cultures so that they can coexist peacefully (peaceful-co-existence) and build a harmonious civilization (Sopandi & Taofan, 2019).
In addition to the three religious groups categorized as inclusive (moderate), religious groups, and exclusive (conservative), religious groups thrive, such as the Tablighi Jamaat activities in Pondok, South Padang Regency. Tablighi Jamaat activities only follow ordinary congregations identifying themselves as Tablighi Jamaat. Da'wah activities are always symbolized by jaulah and khuruj. This term is symbolic for the Tablighi Jamaat because, in symbolic interactionist analysis, humans give specific identities according to their interactions. If you look at the tabligh congregation, what is communicated by someone or the community is khuruj and jaulah. Actually, in Islamic civilization, there is a tradition of frequent traveling on earth or the term katsiru al jaulah, meaning that there are many walks to get to know and get closer to the creator (Sembiring, 2021).
Other religious groups are the Tarekat Syatariyah and Naqshadandiyah groups such as in "Surau Paseban Koto Tangah", and at "PLTU Surau Kelok Bungus Teluk Kabung". Tarekat's teachings in ways or activities to draw closer to God in an organized manner. Almost similar to the study or the term tawasuf in how to get closer to God individually. Among the da'wah activities is chanting the name of God. According to some information from the congregation, the best thing is one's social status if you always mention the name of the creator (Zul Akhyar Interview, 2021).
Starting from the explanation, it shows that every religious group has a social responsibility due to the actualization of each lesson material. This social responsibility is found in both inclusive and exclusive religious groups. The problem is when there is no synchronization between each religious group's material and social impacts. All of this is caused by the tendency of low levels of spirituality and the character of religious behavior. Conveying da'wah is easy, but understanding what is being conveyed requires a specific method-moreover, the condition of mad'u who have different religious understanding backgrounds (Alimin, 2019). Therefore, mapping the condition of mad'u is essential for religious communicators in analyzing the socio-cultural conditions of mad'u, which will lead to mad'u understanding in receiving the da'wah delivered.

A pattern of Communicator and Audience Relationship
Da'wah activity is a form of communication because it contains elements of da'i as a communicator or messenger and mad'u as audience or receiver of messages. Da'wah is a communication process requiring a measured and planned effort to produce effective communication between the da'i and mad'u. Because the success or failure of da'wah activities cannot be separated from how the communication process between the da'i and mad'u goes, not infrequently, da'i and mad'u communication can work well if the interpersonal relationship between the two has been built on organizational similarities, religious understanding, friendship or other social relations. Communication is based on similarities, harmony, and balance of views from individuals or groups of people. This communication pattern will lead to social integration (Basit, 2018;Hidayaturrahman, 2020;Faqih, 2015). This is more or less reflected in the pattern of relationships between da'i and mad'u in the four sub-districts of the city of Padang, namely the Koto Tangah, Bungus Teluk Kabung, Naggalo, and South Padang sub-districts. The pattern of the relationship between da'i and mad'u in these four subdistricts is illustrated in three forms of coverage.
First is the pattern of organizational relationships. This study's pattern of organizational relationships is the organizational tendency of mosque administrators and congregations in several sub-districts.
Policy to invite or bring in preachers with the same understanding and according to the local community's religion. It reflects the existence of values that have been crystallized and have become binding norms in society.
Stepper and Gillaspie mention that in social network theory, a set of social unit bonds is connected. Helen also defines social networks as norm groups. Values and expectations are shared collectively among members of a social group. Thus the religious norms and values of the community, which have become a mutual agreement, have implications for special terms and criteria to bring in preachers following the pattern of community religious understanding. This shows that in Streeter and Gillaspie's view, social networks have limitations, meaning that the existing criteria will determine members in a network. The boundaries in a network include family systems, friends, work groups, and corporate groups will usually be easy to determine because the existing network is transparent (Hajar et al., 2019).
This kind of policy can be applied as a form of the surrounding community's efforts to realize the religious understanding that is developing in their area (Alifuddin, 2015). Here the organization plays an essential role in directing the shared vision of da'i and mad'u. Besides the role of the dai, which is no less important in packaging the material that will be presented to mad'u, they should prioritize materials that all groups can accept. It does not cause conflict and is relevant to the humanitarian and social problems faced (Basit, 2018).
So the correct argument about da'wah itself cannot be separated from the organization. The organization's influence shows that the da'wah group looks vital in conveying the message of da'wah. Because the organization is a unit with the same vision and mission (Nurjanah 2019). History has recorded that religious organizations, especially Islamic organizations, have given their color in the development of da'wah in Indonesia, both since the pre-independence period and until now. Currently, there are over 100 Islamic organizations with supporters ranging from hundreds of thousands to millions of people. The high quantity of Islamic organizations with a large mass base can at least impact the community, especially in the field of da'wah (Abdullah, 2015). Of course, this influence is also supported by the massive da'wah movement carried out by Islamic organizations through their preachers. Gradually the religious understanding brought by these mass organizations will spread and become a religious benchmark for a particular society. NU and Muhammadiyah are clear examples that Islam in Indonesia, which is known as a Muslim country with peaceful, civilized, and democratic characteristics, cannot be separated from the role of these two large organizations.
Second is the pattern of egalitarian relationships. In this context, what is meant by egalitarianism is that there is no dominant group in mastering da'wah activities. One of these conditions was found in the Koto Tangah sub-district, in the Baiturrahmah mosque. In this sub-district, the community carries out da'wah naturally and as it is without being bound to certain beliefs or schools, both those adopted by the dai and those held by the community. Generally, the da'wah activities at the Baiturrahmah mosque are filled with various recitations such as taklim majlis, wirid, remembrance of inabah, and public recitations.
The third is the pattern of open relationships. This relationship pattern is implemented in three forms of da'wah activities: preachers (religious communicators) who are visited by congregations, preachers who visit congregations, and preachers who move from place to place. It should be understood that the pattern of open relationships here is the freedom from da'i or mad'u to participate in da'wah activities. It could be the da'i who came to mad'u or mad'u who came to the da'i. This indicates that the form of interaction between da'i and mad'u can occur one them because it is supported by a perspective that is not built on a priori basis.
This means that from the beginning, the concept of thinking that was built was not to see the differences between the characters that appear in interaction. There is no impression of condescending, discriminating, and even cornering certain groups. This shows that the relationship pattern that exists is that there is no tendency for the flow/organization of the da'i or This is in line with the basic concepts and ideas of symbolic interactionism developed by Blumer into two basic ideas. First, it is stated that society consists of humans who interact through joint actions and form social structures that become values and norms. Secondly, interactions consist of various human actions related to other human activities. Symbolic interactions take place in various thoughts and meanings that have become the character of society. In this case, the individual and the community are inseparable units, becoming actors (Wirawan, 2012).
The open relations of da'i that mad'u visited were found in Bungus Teluk Kabung and Koto Tengah. This location has many surau as a da'wah base which pilgrims visit. The high number of surau cannot be separated from the high number of Islamic religious teachings in this sub-district. Perhaps this tarekat factor made mad'u come to the da'i because, in the tarekat study, there was a kind of dogma of submission or obedience to the central figure (mursyid). Mursyid, in leading a close study, is considered to have had authority, a moral force, and broad knowledge. Meanwhile, the preachers who visited the congregation were found in various weekly recitations in various mosques in the city of Padang. This recitation is either in the form of weekly, monthly, or yasinan wirid. Meanwhile, da'wah activities that move from mosque to mosque from house to house are found in Nanggalo and Koto Tangah sub-districts.

Communicator and Audience Interaction
Human nature as social beings tends to live in groups or society. One form of manifestation of this tendency is social interaction. The interaction is a relationship between individuals and individuals, groups with groups, and individuals with groups (Saraswati, 2021). Da'wah is a communication process that is a form of interaction because there is a relationship between da'i as a communicator and mad'u as a communicant (Abdullah, 2015).
In da'wah activities, interaction occurs when the da'i conveys religious teachings, which will be conveyed to mad'u as the recipient of the message. At this stage, there is a process of sending da'wah messages conveyed by the dai to mad'u. Da'wah messages that have been conveyed to mad'u are expected to be interpreted and implemented in life. This stage aims to have an impact on changing attitudes and behavior of mad'u for the better. This means that in da'wah, the interaction is shown to influence mad'u, which will bring about a change in attitude following the objectives of da'wah (Hafniati, 2020). Through this communication, it can be ascertained that in the da'wah process, there is a social interaction between the da'i and mad'u (Ahmad, 2014).
The process of da'wah activities does not only concern interpersonal relationships but also interpersonal and social relationships. Because humans themselves are social creatures who always direct their entire lives by establishing good relations with their physical, psychological, and spiritual environment (Arifin, 1997). Nevertheless, in reality, the majority of the da'wah process has focused more on the spiritual aspect and often ignores the importance of harmonious interaction with mad'u. So that this makes the da'wah process only limited to the delivery of Islamic teachings, which cannot touch the affective aspects of the da'wah target (Ritonga, 2020). However, different things are shown in the interaction of da'i and mad'u in the research locations' four sub-districts. The pattern of interaction between da'i and mad'u seems to be running in balance.
On the one hand, the spiritual aspects related to religious dogma are fulfilled. On the other hand, the harmonious interaction between da'i and mad'u appears to be closely intertwined and shows a friendly attitude and mutual respect between the da'i and mad'u. Furthermore, the interaction patterns between da'i and mad'u in these four sub-districts will be classified into three forms of interaction.
First, friendly, da'wah is like serving food. No matter how good the food is, people will be reluctant to eat it if the way to serve it is not good. It is different from simple food. If it is prepared aesthetically pleasing, people will be attracted to eat it. Likewise, when friendliness is in da'wah, the message of da'wah conveyed will influence the hearts of Muslims (Mala 2020). Therefore, the preacher is arrogant and strict in delivering his da'wah. Instead, the initially sympathetic congregation could turn away because of the preacher's rude preaching style.
Being friendly and gentle is one of the factors or keys to success in preaching. The prophet always practices this attitude. Suppose you look back historically, the da'wah of the apostle. His attitude in calling people to return to the way of Allah was never by issuing harsh words. In delivering his da'wah, the Apostle always displays a friendly attitude and polite speech. The method that the apostle used in preaching succeeded in achieving success. In a short time, the people he preached to drew closer to him so they could Islamize the Arabian-peninsula.
In connection with this, this friendly and polite interaction was also found by the da'i and mad'u at the Darul Huda Nanggalo Mosque, Padang. This polite and friendly attitude is reflected in the form of communicative greetings, smiles, and greetings in da'wah activities. The congregation of the mosque looked very enthusiastic about participating in the recitation. The congregation's enthusiasm is seen through the congregation's frequent questions by showing a polite attitude and not an arrogant attitude. In general, the interaction between da'i and mad'u is usually marked only as an interaction between Ustaz and Jamaat with dominant questions surrounding the religious context. However, the interaction between da'i and mad'u at the Darul Huda Nanggalo Mosque, Padang, is not only limited to the interaction between Ustaz and Jamaah. The interaction between them is like close family. Not infrequently, people in this area often ask about the condition of the family of the preacher and religious officials. Some people did not hesitate to offer dais to stop by their homes. In comparison, they discuss religious topics, the economic development of the Jama'at, and the education of children as religious communicators.
The congregation again showed a friendly attitude before the communicator said goodbye. The congregation thanked them and advised them to be careful on the road. This attitude shows respect for the ulama. Some religious communicators feel flattered to be treated in a friendly and polite manner because not all places of da'wah are treated like that. The atmosphere of intimacy seems closely intertwined through the attitude shown between the da'i and mad'u at the Nurul Huda Nanggalo Mosque, Padang.
Second, mutual promotion. What is meant by mutual promotion here is that it is manifested in the form of informing, introducing, and raising influential dai or religious figures. The mutual promotion of these daises is found in Bungus Teluk Kabung. According to Tuanku Azwir, one of the informants, most of the preachers who are active in Bungus Teluk Kabung are alumni of the Nurul Yaqin Islamic Boarding School in Padang Pariaman Regency. This Islamic boarding school is one of the Islamic schools with the most extensive Syatariyyah period base in Padang Pariaman, West Sumatra. Said Nazir of the 42 preachers who preach in Bungus Teluk Kabung, the orientation of their da'wah is the majority of surau-based da'wah by opening up-close studies in the community. The concept of da'wah like this is quite in demand by the community.
Few people or congregations visit the surau owned by some of these preachers. For example, a study by Katik Tamara Koto Peto Alam (80 years old) opens a congregational study every Monday and Friday at the Surau Simpang Tigo Mosque. Tk Abdurrahman (50 years old) also opened recitations and wirid at the Raudhah Mosque in Ampalu. Tk Azwir (48 years old) opens regular lectures and lectures at Darul Ulum Koto Gadang every Tuesday and Friday. Tk Erianto Lathif opens a close study area in the form of reading books every Monday and Thursday. The study of the Jubehan congregation (50 years old) also opened a Yasin therapy study carried out in a house near the Halaban market (Tengku Azwir 2019) seen in the Bungus Teluk Kabung sub-district. The preachers delivered religious studies in various forms of study. A plus of the da'wah activities carried out by these preachers is that they do not compete with each other for the congregation. These preachers promote each other's preachers in their area.
Third, neutral interaction between da'i and mad'u is reflected in the absence of an excessive response between the da'i and mad'u if the da'wah material delivered is rather heavy for certain schools or understandings. This interaction is also manifested by an impartial and not fanatical attitude towards what is conveyed by the preacher. In general, most people do not mind the material presented by the preacher. For those who are essential, the recitation is carried out regularly. This condition is found in almost every sub-district where the research is located.
From the description and explanation described above, the Da'wah map in Padang can be seen in the Da'wah Mapping scheme as follows: The scheme of the socio-cultural da'wah map above is a cultural da'wah procession which is an essential aspect of building community morals within the existing culture. Should have known in advance the habits and rites through groups of religious activities which are divided into inclusive and exclusive groups, communicator and audience relations which include: organizational relationships, open and egalitarian, and patterns of interaction between communicators and audiences, such as: friendly, mutually supportive, and neutral. The da'i or religious communicator can pay more attention to the unique nature of the communicant (the target of da'wah) personally or en masse. Furthermore, for the preacher, this map is an entry point for implementing the relevant da'wah model and follows the context of the local community. The existence of a socio-cultural da'wah map that describes the pattern of relationships and interactions between da'i and mad'u, at least the role of the da'i in the field of da'wah, can be more accommodating to specific cultural values that have taken root in society.

CONCLUSION
It turns out that so far, da'wah is not only a matter of the missionary's duty to call people to the path of God in order to apply Islamic values. Before going to the field of da'wah, da'i is also required to understand how the field of da'wah is in the field. In order to understand how the field of da'wah is needed, a da'wah map is needed as a measuring tool, and a guide before the dai preaches in the community. This study's findings differ from previous research on da'wah maps in that this study shows more about the pattern of relations between da'i and mad'u in four districts of Padang city. The pattern of relations between da'i and mad'u in four sub-districts of the city of Padang includes relations between organizations, egalitarian and neutral.
Meanwhile, the interaction between da'i and mad'u shows friendly, mutually promoting, and neutral interactions. Furthermore, through the interaction between da'i and mad'u, several religious groups were spread over four sub-districts, such as NU, Muhammadiyah, PERTI, Tablighi Jamaat, and several tarekat groups. Based on this research, it is hoped that further studies of research on da'wah maps in the city of Padang will be followed up by making or designing a da'wah module.