Communication Perspective on the Acceptance of the Lombok Muslim Community towards the Da'wah Activities of the Tablighi Jamaat

The purpose of the study was to determine the driving factors for the acceptance process of the Lombok Muslim community towards the da'wah of the Tablighi Jamaat. This is based on the reality of da'wah, which shows a movement against the activism of transnational da'wah movements. The research was conducted through a qualitative approach—data collection techniques through participant observation, unstructured interviews, and documentation. Data analysis follows the stages of the Miles, Huberman, and Saldana interactive model. The study's results stated that the acceptance of the Lombok Muslim community towards the Tablighi Jamaat was due to the good social interaction between the Tablighi Jamaat community and the Lombok Muslim community. Including strengthening teachings, namely the importance of reviving the sunnah of the prophet, conveying greetings, the essence of brotherhood, the urgency of praying in congregation, and turning on the knowledge assembly. The da'wah approach is carried out through distance or friendship and the attitude of glorifying others (Ikram). The communication used is empathic and persuasive. The implication of the research shows that all levels of society can reasonably respond to da'wah politely and with a noble purpose. In addition, at a particular stage, the mindset and behavior of the community can be formed in carrying out Amar makruf nahi munkar. Strategies for the Tablighi Jamaat in Tazkiyat Al-Nafs at the PP Mosque. Darul Ulum Pakes, Panaan Village, Palengaan Pamekasan"


INTRODUCTION
Throughout its history, humans have continued to form new religious understandings or new religious polarization. There are religious polarizations on a local, national and transnational scale. The emergence of religious polarization is strongly influenced by the times, situations, and conditions or circumstances when and where a religious pattern is formed. Transnational religious polarizations include the Tablighi Jamaat, Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI), Wahabi/Salafi, Ahmadiyah, Shia, and others. All of these have grown quite rapidly in the world and also in Indonesia in recent decades.
The development of transnational Islamic religious understanding is difficult to stop by large, long-standing organizations that were born long before the arrival of these transnational religious ideas in Indonesia, such as Muhammadiyah, Nadlatul Ulama, Nahdlatul wathan, Al Irsyad Al Islamiyah, Al Ittihadiyah, Syarikat Islam. And others. Nahdlatul Ulama, for example, is very openly opposed to the presence of transnational religious organizations or understandings but has also been unable to stem its development, and its followers are increasing day by day.
Likewise, local religious ideas have long existed in Indonesia, such as Kaharingan in Kalimantan, Kejawen in Java, Sunda Wiwitan in Sunda, Wor in Papua, Tolotang in South Sulawesi, Parmalim in North Sumatra, Marapu in Sumba, and various religious beliefs. They can also not prevent the presence of transnational Islamic religious beliefs around them.
Facts on the ground show that the number of followers of transnational Islamic religious beliefs in Indonesia continues to grow. On the other hand, Indonesian Islamic organizations and local Indonesian religious ideas continue to actively oppose these ideas. For example, Hizbut Tarhrir Indonesia (HTI), Ahmadiyah, Shia, and Wahabi, in many places the presence of transnational Islamic religious ideas is opposed. However, in the midst of these oppositions, these transnational Islamic religious notions have grown.
This also happened on the island of Lombok, known as the Island of a Thousand Mosques. Lombok is an island in West Nusa Tenggara known as the Island of a Thousand Mosques, an area where the majority of the population is Muslim and must establish a mosque or prayer room in every hamlet or village (Fahrurrozi, 2015). An island where the Muslim community is a devout Sunni Muslim. An island where most of the people are devout Wetu Telu Muslims (Budiwati, 2015). Transnational Islamic religious ideas continue to grow and develop quite rapidly.
The reality on the ground shows that there has been a change in the religious understanding of some of the Muslim community in Lombok (ahlussunnah waljamaah) to transnational religious beliefs (Salafi/Wahabi, Shia, and Tablighi Jamaat). Accepting this new religious understanding seems to have become a trend among some Lombok Muslim communities. This is inseparable from the da'wah approach used, including the integration of traditions and cultural aesthetic values of the local community (Kurniawan, 2019).
Behind this acceptance, it turns out that the presence of the community is a problem for other Muslims. The Salafi and Ahmadiyya communities, for example, are opposed and even become in conflict. The existence of the burning of Islamic boarding schools in East Lombok and the expulsion of the Ahmadiyah group show that the community rejects the existence of this understanding. The Muslim community of Lombok rejected Salafis, Wahhabis, Ahmadiyya, and HTI of them.
However, one of the most significant transnational Islamic religious beliefs in Lombok is the Tablighi Jamaat. This group can be said to have colored the pattern of religious diversity in the Muslim community of Lombok. Tablighi Jamaat has thousands of members. They are scattered throughout the island of Lombok, both in urban, rural, coastal areas, mountain slopes, or even remote areas of Lombok Island. In almost all the mosques the researcher has visited, there are also members of the Tablighi Jamaat.
One interesting phenomenon that has attracted the attention of researchers is the success of the Tablighi Jamaat community, which incidentally is a transnational ideology but has been well received by the Muslim community of Lombok. They currently exist in almost all corners of the island of Lombok. They have been quite successful in carrying out da'wah, as evidenced by the success of the Tablighi Jamaat for prospering mosques, reviving da'wah, inviting the Prophet's sunnah, inviting them to pray five times a day, and so on. As if tireless, they do da'wah anytime, anywhere, and to anyone, they meet.
There are several previous studies, the first research (Nurlaila, Liata, & Nasrah, 2021) entitled "Community Responses to the Tablighi Jamaat: Case Study of Jamiatun Ulama Village, Lam Ilie Teungoh, Aceh Besar." The findings of this research are that the Tablighi Jamaat as a da'wah group Ilmu Dakwah: Academic Journal for Homiletic Studies 16(1) (2022) 93-108 is persistent, patient, and willing to sacrifice their wealth and time. People's views vary; some accept it, and some do not. The second research (Maidin, 2020) is entitled "Method of Da'wah for the Tablighi Jamaat in Kerung-Kerung Makassar City." This study found the method of preaching to the Tablig congregation with the method of deliberation, friendship, taklim, and khuruj fisabilillah (rihlah). The third research (Ruji & Faisol, 2021) is entitled "Dakwah Strategies for the Tablighi Jamaat in Tazkiyat Al-Nafs at the PP Mosque. Darul Ulum Pakes, Panaan Village, Palengaan Pamekasan" with the findings of a da'wah strategy by inviting the community to join the khuruj program, for women to come to their homes and read taklim. Assist those who are economically unable to perform khuruj. The difference with this study is the response to the acceptance of the Tabligh congregation's da'wah, which is carried out by distance and Ikram, and the emphasis on applying empathic and persuasive communication.
The focus of this research is to analyze the acceptance process of the people of Lombok towards the da'wah activities of the transnational movement. In particular, the missionary activities of the Tablighi Jamaat. This study uses a qualitative approach. The subject of his research is related to the process of receiving the da'wah activities of the Tablighi Jamaat. While the object of research is the Tablighi Jamaat in Lombok, West Nusa Tenggara. Data was collected through participant observation, unstructured interviews, and documentation. Participant observations were carried out by observing the da'wah activities of the Tablighi Jamaat in the Lombok community. In addition, it was observing the process of acceptance of the Lombok Muslim community towards the existence of the Tablighi Jamaat. Interviews were conducted with both members of the Tablighi Jamaat and several community members as informants. Documentation was carried out on several missionary activities of the Tablighi Jamaat. The data were analyzed following the Miles, Huberman, and Saldana stages, which consisted of three stages: data reduction, data display, and concluding.

Tablighi Jamaat in Historical View
Historical records say that in Mecca, the Messenger of Allah started his da'wah secretly; after three years, he started preaching openly. As for his way of preaching, either in the first three years or after it is agreed upon by all historians, it is through dialogue, debate, using logic, and good behavior.
History does not even record the occurrence of wars in this period. What happened was that the Messenger of Allah and his followers received various forms of torture and insults from the polytheists of Quraish. Nevertheless, even so, history records the fortitude and persistence of the followers of Muhammad in defending their faith (Estuningtyas, 2019).
The discussion about the essence of delivering da'wah shows that the peaceful da'wah carried out by the Prophet Muhammad and his companions was not violent. On the contrary, the polytheists who were so ambitious wanted Islam to be abandoned. The track record of the Prophet's da'wah has become a benchmark for da'wah activities to date, including those carried out by the Tablighi congregation. Because, The sociological perspective, seeing that Islam is present in our midst, provides a comprehensive concept. One is the teaching that applies the tasamuh attitude towards humanity and does not justify discriminatory attitudes (Yaqinah, Ferdiansyah, & Kurniawan, 2021).
Tablighi Jamaat was founded in 1345 H / 1926 AD, by Shaykh Muhammad Ilyas bin Muhammad Ismail al-Kandahlawi al-Deoband al Jisti. The word Kandalawi is taken from his hometown called Kandala in Saharanpur, India. In comparison, the word Deoband comes from the word Deobandi which is a place of learning and is one of the most significant madrasas in India. He was born in 1303 AH/1885 AD. He spent his childhood in Kandala. Then later, his parents lived in Nizamuddin, India, which later in its development became the headquarters of the world Tablighi Jamaat (Hasanah, 2017).
In the village of Nizamuddin, India, the Tablighi Jamaat has a mosque as a tabligh center surrounded by four guardian graves. From there, the Da'wah of the Tablighi Jamaat spread to Pakistan, Bangladesh, and East Asian countries worldwide (Abdillah, 2018). In Indonesia, the entry of the Tablighi Jamaat consists of several versions. The first version of the Tablighi Jamaat came to Indonesia in 1952, brought by an emir Miaji Isa in Jakarta. The government closely monitors the Tablighi Jamaat da'wah movement in Jakarta. TNI then assigned an intelligence officer, namely Lieutenant Colonel Retired. Ahmad Zulfakar to oversee the Da'wah Movement of the Tablighi Jamaat. Then in its development in 1974, Lieutenant Colonel Retired. Ahmad Zulfakar officially joined as part of the Tablighi Jamaat. Since then, the Tablighi Jamaat has multiplied in Jakarta, which is centered in the Kebun Jeruk mosque until now. From Jakarta, then Tablighi Jamaat quickly expanded all over Java and other areas in Indonesia (Didik, 2020).
The second version, the Tablighi Jamaat, was brought by Maulana Luthfiurrahman from Bangladesh in 1973 for his khuruj tour of Indonesia. He stopped at Tanjung Karang, Lampung, and was well received by the management of the Al Abror Mosque, Jl. Youth No. 20 Tanjung Karang, Lampung. His arrival was then continued by the following Tablighi Jamaat groups: Dr. Abdul Hay, Dr. Abdul Rashid, Prof. Dr. Ahmad Sabuur, and Dr. Salman from Alighhard University India (Tamrin, 2020).
The wheel of the Tablighi Jamaat da'wah movement in Indonesia is led by one of the syuro experts. Syura experts consist of several people who have been appointed by the center of the world Tablighi Jamaat. These syuro experts hold deliberations every three months to determine a person in charge for the next three months. The meeting was attended by syuro members and all worshipers who happened to be at the headquarters mosque at that time (Yakub, 2020).
The task of the headquarters is also to regulate pilgrims from various countries or provinces and then determine which direction they want to carry out khuruj. The names of the pilgrims who registered on that day were then read that day after the Isha prayer. Then in the morning (Friday), they are dispatched to their respective regions or countries of destination (Sila, 2016).
Furthermore, Ust was the first person to join the Tablighi Jamaat in Lombok. H. Educate. In 1986 he became acquainted with the congregation of the Tablighi Jamaat from Jakarta at a mosque in Denpasar. Since the introduction, he became interested in the missionary movement of the Tablighi Jamaat. That same year, he became the argument or guide for the Tablighi Jamaat groups who wanted to preach in Lombok (Didik, 2020 In 1987 Kyai Halim and his entourage came to Lombok. Welcomed by the Tablighi Jamaat in Lombok. They were received at the Qubbatul Islam Mosque in Karang Taliwang, Cakranegara, Mataram City. They were accepted there because there was Ust. H. Murad is a religious figure and a community leader who recently joined the Tablighi Jamaat. Meanwhile, at the At-Taqwa Great Mosque of Mataram, it was still not allowed to carry out the da'wah activities of the Tablighi Jamaat (Alwi, 2020).
The challenges and obstacles the Tablighi Jamaat faced at the beginning of its development in Lombok were considered normal by them. These obstacles and challenges include: being rejected in almost all mosques in Lombok, expelled, ridiculed, said to be a preacher of the stove, being considered a heretical sect, a new sect, and so on (Yakub, 2020). Along with the development of time, finally, the Tablighi Jamaat in Lombok has been accepted by most of Lombok's Muslims. His presence is not a problem. Many places want the presence of the Tablighi Jamaat. They reasoned that the Tablighi Jamaat had succeeded in inviting its citizens to pray together in the mosque actively.

Lombok Muslims Acceptance of the Tablighi Jamaat
The inclusion of the religious understanding of the Tablighi Jamaat in Lombok has automatically made the Muslim community on the island of Lombok more colorful. This island is located in the province of West Nusa Tenggara. To the east, it is bordered by the Alas Strait, to the west by the Lombok Strait, to the north by the Java Sea, and to the south by the Australian Ocean.
While the language used by the people of Lombok is Sasak, this is the second language used daily by the people of Lombok besides Indonesian. The Sasak language has many different dialects, namely the North Lombok and Northeast, Southeast, Central, and West. The island consists of five regencies/cities: Mataram City with a population of 441,064 people, West Lombok with 644,586 people, Central Lombok with 903,432 people, and East Lombok with 1,153,773 people and North Lombok with 210,133 people, with a total of 3,352. 988 souls.
While the percentage of the population who are Muslim with adherents of other religions on this island, namely: in the city of Mataram, Muslims as much as 82.00%, West Lombok Muslims as much as 94.33%, Central Lombok Muslims as much as 99.65%, East Lombok Muslims as much as 99.92 % and North Lombok Muslims as much as 92.19%, with a total of 93.61% Muslims (NTB, 2021). This data shows that Islam is the majority religion in Lombok society.
Muslim traders brought Islam to Lombok from various kingdoms in Indonesia in the 13th and 14th centuries. Three theories explain the entry of Islam into Lombok. First, Islam entered Lombok in the 13th century AD along with the entry of traders from Gujarat to Perlak, Samudera Pasai. The two Islams that came to Lombok were brought from Java by Sunan Prapen (1548-1605), the fourth son of Sunan Giri or Sunan Ratu Giri, who came with Prince Sangapati in the 16th century. Traders brought the three Lombok Muslims from Makassar (Basarudin, 2019).
In practice, there are two types of Islam in Lombok, namely the practice of Islam Time Five and Islam Wetu Telu. Islam Time Five in religious practice following the teachings of puritanical Islam. This group recognizes the obligation to fulfill the five pillars of Islam, starting with the creed, prayer, fasting, zakat, and performing the pilgrimage (Bartholomew, 2001). Meanwhile, the Wetu Telu Islamic group in the practice of daily life still firmly adheres to the customs of their ancestors. Their Kiai and penghulu only carry out their religious practice. In the Wetu Telu community, indigenous teachings and Hinduism influence remains. This is evidenced by the maintenance of facilities of worship called pedewaq as a place of worship, even though they say two sentences of the creed (Asnawi, 2005).
It is the teachings of Islam Time Five and Islam Wetu Telu that all Lombok Muslims have practiced for hundreds of years. There is no other Islamic religious understanding other than these two teachings. Both carry out their religious activities, and there is no clash between them. They are very tolerant in carrying out their respective worship practices. It was only in the 1980s that Islam in Lombok began to take color with the arrival of transnational religious ideas. New religious ideas that are pretty coloring Lombok Islam are the presence of Ahmadiyah, Salafi, Wahabi, and Tablighi Jamaat.
Places for this group's da'wah centers are easy to find throughout Lombok. They are effortless to identify. The women of this group usually wear the veil, while the men usually wear a robe and a turban. One of the notions that are pretty coloring the religious pattern of the Lombok Muslim community is the Tablighi Jamaat. This group does not do da'wah by gathering mass in a particular place, but they do da'wah from mosque to mosque. They invited the people around the mosque they visited to pray in the congregation. They spread their greetings to anyone they meet and stay in touch with anyone regardless of their status.
In many places, the Tablighi Jamaat can be said to have succeeded in carrying out its da'wah. One Lombok resident said, "This mosque used to pray five times when it was quiet from the congregation, thank God, after the Tablighi Jamaat came to preach, inviting us to pray together, this mosque gets crowded every time like this" (Marzoan, 2020). Likewise, one Lombok resident said, "it is true that our mosque was not as busy as it used to be, but now after the arrival of this congregation, thank God, it is very crowded, and da'wah activities through loudspeakers after maghrib and dawn are routinely carried out" (Irhamdi, 2021).
Another statement that is in line with the statement above can be found in almost all mosques where there is a Tablighi Jamaat. They are grateful for the presence of the Tablighi Jamaat, who have been willing to invite the community to prosper the mosque. In khuruj activities for forty days. The author has observed the number of worshipers who perform congregational prayers for three days. Every three days, the research group moved from one mosque to another. Researchers counted the number of pilgrims on the first, second, and third days.
From these observations, the author concludes that in all the mosques that the author has visited, there has been an increase in the number of worshipers who pray in the congregation every time. The increase in the number occurred because of the efforts of the Tablighi Jamaat, who were far away, to invite residents they met to perform congregational prayers at the mosque.
When the researcher was participating in khuruj activities, a middleaged mosque congregation approached, stammering, and his eyes filled with tears. He said, "please ust, please, meet my child, take my child to the mosque," repeated the word be spoken. He looked sad because his son did not want to pray in the mosque. Then some members of the khuruj group met his son and took him to the mosque, but until the congregational prayer was finished, his son did not come. Similarly, on the second day, the child has not yet come to pray in the congregation at the mosque. Also, on the third day, the same activity was carried out, and finally, the person came together to pray in the congregation at the mosque.
The facts above show that most of the Muslim community in Lombok want or do not question the presence of the Tablighi Jamaat in their mosques. The acceptance of the Lombok Muslim community towards the presence of the Tablighi Jamaat has slowly changed their religious understanding, which has been carried out for generations. They do not realize that their religious beliefs and rituals have been displaced by the influence of a new religious understanding, namely the teachings of the Tablighi Jamaat.
At the beginning of the emergence of the world Tablighi Jamaat community was a response from Maulana Ilyas to the depravity of Indian Muslims at that time. Other Muslims later supported his response. This is in line with what was expressed by Arnold, who said that the challenging conditions faced by humans would trigger human creativity. In these situations, humans are challenged and stimulated to do something (Toynbee, 1987). Shaykh Muhammad Ilyas responded quickly to the moral depravity among Indian Muslims by establishing the Tablighi Jamaat. The Indian Muslims also supported this response at that time and in some of the Muslim world. Thus, the birth of the Tablighi Jamaat community was purely a response to the condition of the Muslims at that time who wanted a moral change for the world's Muslims, especially Indian Muslims. On the other hand, if there were no depravity against Indian Muslims, the Tablighi Jamaat community would not exist.
This response then gave birth to socio-cultural changes in the Indian Muslim community then and has left its mark to this day, namely that some Indian Muslim communities have become more obedient in carrying out their religious teachings as Robert H. Lauer said that social change is an inclusive concept that refers to changes in social phenomena as a level of human life, and ranging from individual to global (Lauer, 2003). The fact is that the presence of the Tablighi Jamaat, initiated by Maulana Muhammad Ilyas and supported by other Indian Muslims at that time, has succeeded in providing social change to the Muslim community of India and its surroundings, even the Muslim world and including Indonesia.
The presence of the Tablighi Jamaat in Indonesia is inseparable from the process of social interaction between the Tablighi Jamaat communities. From this interaction, there are shared views. The existence of these similarities then made the Tablighi Jamaat in Indonesia voluntarily accepted by the Indonesian Muslim community. The nature of symbolic interaction is the interaction between humans that translate and define each other's actions. The interaction process involves using symbols of language, customs, religion, and views (Ahmadi, 2008). The similarity of views in question is that there is a common concern for the existence of some Muslims who are negligent in carrying out their worship and the same desire to improve this.
Although at the beginning of his presence in Lombok, he was rejected everywhere. This was a misunderstanding that did not result in casualties but was purely due to the public's misunderstanding of the purpose of the Tablighi Jamaat's da'wah. They assume this group brings heretical sects, new sects, and other wrong assumptions.
As time passes, the Lombok Muslim community finally has no problem with it. The absence of rejection is due to establishing good social interaction between them. In this interaction, the Muslim community of Lombok has been able to understand the purpose of the da'wah of members of the Tablighi Jamaat who came from outside Lombok. After the Muslim community of Lombok understood the purpose of the Da'wah of the Tablighi Jamaat, they were finally able to accept it, and many even joined the Tablighi Jamaat. This is in line with one of the five basic concepts in symbolic interaction developed by Blummer, which states that the concept of social interaction means that each person mentally moves into the position of another. Thus, humans try to understand the intent of other people's actions so that communication interactions are possible. The interaction does not only take place through gestures but also through symbols that need to be understood and understood. In symbolic interactions, people interpret and interpret the movements of others and act according to that meaning (Ahmadi, 2008). The researcher divides the development period of the Tablighi Jamaat in Lombok into three: The early development period (in the 1980s) was a period of rejection of the Tablighi Jamaat's presence in Lombok. The public's suspicion of the understanding it brought was one of the reasons for the community's rejection of it. The middle development period (in the 1990s) was marked by the pros and cons of the Lombok Muslim community against the presence of the Tablighi Jamaat. Alternatively, some people refused, and some accepted. The period of late development (the 2000s) was the period of acceptance of the Tablighi Jamaat by the Muslim community of Lombok.
The interaction between the Tablighi Jamaat, who came from outside Lombok, and the Lombok Muslim community. From this interaction, some of the Lombok Muslim communities rejected the presence of the Tablighi Jamaat, and some accepted the Tablighi Jamaat. Then there is another interaction between the Lombok Muslim community, accepting and rejecting it. Then with this communication and interaction, it can finally be said that all Muslim communities in Lombok have been able to accept the existence of the Tablighi Jamaat.
There is also a method of delivering teachings by building a community mindset on the importance of preserving the sunnah of the prophet in social life, including conveying greetings as an Islamic character, maintaining ukhuwah Islamiyah, the importance maintaining the fortress of tradition through congregational prayers and reviving the assembly of knowledge. This mindset that is trying to be built produces real action in the form of increasing faith and being realized in everyday life. This is inseparable from the approach taken in distance and friendship as good teaching in Islam. This approach for the cultural community of Lombok is the right approach if you see that the majority of the people touched are village people. Strong friendships can form mutually open communication behaviors and are very influential in inviting people to do good. The following approach is the Ikram approach, which is to glorify other people because fellow Muslims are brothers so that the person or community feels valued, which can impact changing attitudes to positive behavior.
For the Tablighi congregation, deliberation is deliberation to seek consensus to formulate, produce, and implement da'wah programs and to unify ideas and solutions to da'wah problems (Maidin, 2020). The techniques used are pretty diverse, some of which are persuasive and empathetic communication. Persuasive communication can be referred to as communication that seeks to influence the interlocutor so that what is intended can be conveyed. This means that communication takes place effectively. Persuasion is making efforts to change one's attitudes, opinions, and behavior through flexible, humane, and subtle ways, with the result that awareness, willingness, and feelings of pleasure arise as well as a desire to act following what the persuader says (Soemirat, Satiri, & Suryana, 2004).
Suppose effective communication is communication that shows smooth interaction between communicators, and persuasive communication is communication that encourages the communicant to do something. In that case, empathic communication is the level of communication that contains both (compelling and persuasive) based on understanding the mental, feelings, or emotions of the communicant whose indicators are The willingness of the communicant, in Islam, is then called sincere behavior in charity. Empathic communication means listening with your eyes, ears, and heart to understand, intuitively, and feel. Listening here is listening to understand, not to answer and listen to the content of the conversation and not who is speaking. The correct response is also the key to empathic communication, so respond like it is the first time listening to the topic of conversation. One of the reasons for communication failure is the lack of ability to listen with empathy (Kurniawan & Ihsan, 2020).
The people of Lombok, by some researchers, are considered to be people who are religiously obedient as well as cultured. The jargon "Lombok Island of a Thousand Mosques" is an apparent reflection to show that the people of Lombok are religious. In addition to the jargon "Island of a Thousand Mosques," the people of Lombok Island can also be labeled with "Island of a Thousand Tuan Guru" because the function, status, and influence of Tuan Guru during society are very much felt. Following the title assigned by the community, Tuan Guru plays a significant role in conveying religious knowledge to the community. In conveying religious knowledge, Tuan Guru has an educational institution in the form of a boarding school. He is usually "presented" by the community in scientific assemblies (recitations), both at certain moments. From the cultural aspect, cultural rituals shown through practice and clothing illustrate that the Lombok people, besides being religious, are also very obedient to customs and culture. The obedience of the Lombok people in this culture can be seen in various aspects, including religion (Abdillah, 2018).
It is undeniable that the religious understanding of the Tablighi Jamaat has brought about social and cultural changes in some of the Muslim communities of Lombok. Although, at first, many did not want it, the Muslim community of Lombok has accepted the changes caused by the presence of the Tablighi Jamaat. The theory of social change states that accepting change is something constant and does not require explanation because change is considered to disrupt the balance of society (Horton & Hunt, 1992). The disruptive process stops once the change has been integrated into the culture. Finally, changes that turn out to be valid are accepted, and changes that are not useful are rejected (Ranjabar, 2015). Because the changes brought by the Tablighi Jamaat are considered excellent and valuable, the religious understanding of the Tablighi Jamaat is acceptable.

CONCLUSION
The acceptance of the Lombok Muslim community towards the da'wah of the Tablighi Jamaat is caused by many factors, including the ability of the Tablighi Jamaat to take an interpersonal approach and a strong emotional connection to the community. Their ability to invite them to the path of truth (Amar makruf) is a manifestation of the art of communication that is owned through da'wah communication approaches and techniques relevant to the community's conditions. This study found several phenomenological facts related to the acceptance of the Lombok Muslim community towards the da'wah of the Tablighi Jamaat. Including the embodiment of the Tablighi Jamaat as a transnational ideology. Of course, much can still be explored through various perspectives and scientific integration. This research can be used as a literature review for future research.