Da'wah Efforts Against Social Deviance: The Impact of Religious Intensity on the Detachment of the Punk Community

The purpose of this study is to determine the level of religious intensity of punk groups in West Java and their attachment and how the influence of punk religious intensity on the decline in their group attachment. This research uses a correlational approach that aims to detect the extent to which variations in a factor are related to variations in one or more other factors. After data processing, the results showed that 13% of punk children have a high intensity of religiosity, 43% are moderate and 44% are low. Regarding the level of attachment to the punk community, the results showed that 35% were categorized as high, 49% were moderate, and 16% were low. This means that 65% of punk children experience attachment to their community. This study shows that there is a strong correlation between religious intensity and disengagement in the punk community with a correlation coefficient of 0.745. This strong correlation implies a corrective effect of religion on the level of social deviance. This research also shows that the most effective da'wah to overcome social deviation is with the targhîb approach in the form of amar ma'ruf which is persuasive compared to the tarhîb approach in the form of nahyi munkar which tends to be repressive.


INTRODUCTION
Punk is a social group that has its characteristics and style in appearance, behavior, and attitude. In the beginning, punk was a branch of rock music favored by young people, then developed through the association of young people who not only liked the type of rock music but also carried certain views related to life such as politics, economics, and social problems (Yulianti, Mukhlis, & Sakinah, 2013). Punk groups showed their existence by starting to take to the streets or just hanging out in the center of the Ilmu Dakwah: Academic Journal for Homiletic Studies 17(1) (2023)  crowd. Likewise, in the West Java area, they try to make money by becoming street buskers.
The phenomenon of the punk community is one part of urban society that has always been a topic of discussion in society. The identity of the punk community comes in the form of symbols as a product of their subculture. In addition to fashion as a form of identity, the patterns of identity built by the punk community eventually developed in various ways, not only through the form of appearance and music, but also through literacy, street art, social action, and so on.
This lifestyle forms a subculture that is different from society in general. This difference makes punk a subculture in society with a lifestyle, way of dressing, music, ideology, and religious activities that are different from society in general. This further strengthens the presence of punk subculture in society and its community is prominently identified.
In Bandung, West Java, in terms of music, punk has been known since the turn of the decade from the 1970s to the 1980s. In the late 1980s, punk groups from the middle class emerged because at that time only those with higher incomes could access these cultural products and information. As in other countries, in Indonesia punk is perceived as a group of teenagers who have a bad image because they often cause trouble (Chotim & Latifah, 2018) or as a hardcore music genre whose vocalists rant. By the mid-1990s, punks in Indonesia were the largest punk population in the world (Bestari, 2016). Here Indonesian punks began to adopt the substance of punk, especially the ideology of DIY (Do It Yourself) ethics.
Society considers punks to be unsightly and destructive to the environment. They wore torn T-shirts, ripped jeans, and knee-high black boots, as well as tattoos and piercings. They tend to look anarchic, arrogant, homeless, unemployed and do odd jobs.
On the other hand, punk groups internally have a relatively high level of cohesiveness. Every punk member seems to be trying to identify themselves as punk by wearing punk accessories. They also try to "dedicate" themselves and most of their time to living together almost twenty-four hours a day. In meeting the needs of daily life, they have relatively high solidarity among themselves. This all indicates a relatively maintained level of community cohesion.
Recently, there is a punk group that calls themselves Muslim Punk (Hidayatullah, 2014). They express their group's characteristics by singing songs themed around Islamic values, Palestinian independence, and social issues faced by the Muslim community. Along with the emergence of religious punk groups and the increasing number of punk groups interested in participating in Punk Muslim activities, it is interesting to study whether there is a decrease in the level of community attachment among the punk community. If yes, then it is necessary to find out whether the tendency to take distance from the community is related to the level of intensity of their religiousness or not. If there is an affirmative answer to both questions, then it can be shown that there is a corrective effect of religion on social deviance. This study aims to measure the extent of that corrective effect.
This research focuses on investigating three things. First, what is the level of religious intensity of punk groups in West Java? Second, what is the level of attachment of punk groups in West Java? Third, is there an effect of punks' religious intensity on the decline of their group attachment?
Following the focus of the research, there are three objectives of this study. First, this study aims to measure the intensity of religiosity of punk groups through their obedience to practicing Islamic law. Secondly, this study aims to measure the degree of decline in punk groups' attachment to their community through their commitment to loosening their identity, removing accessories, and reducing group togetherness. Third, this study aims to measure the significance of the effect of the level of religious intensity on punk community attachment by measuring the level of decline in community inclusion. When successfully measured, this third objective can show the extent of religion's corrective effect on social deviance because a decrease in the level of communication is precisely the positive symptom that corrects the severity of deviance itself.
The hypothesis in this study is that there is a significant influence between the intensity of religiosity on the attachment of the punk community in Bandung. This means that the higher the level of religious intensity of punk children, the higher the level of awareness to break away from their community. In short, religion can significantly correct social deviance.
The results of this study are expected to be useful for enriching the khazanah of da'wah in the aspect of Nahyi Munkar. Theoretically, the findings of this study will make a significant contribution to the formulation of the theory of da'wah Nahi Munkar with a persuasive approach. Practically, the findings offer a wiser approach to preaching to deviant groups through Amar Ma'rûf rather than Nahi Munkar. The punks can be approached through Amar Ma'rûf, that is, they are encouraged to practice basic rituals flexibly according to the context, and their musical passion is expressed in religious lyrics while maintaining their distinctive musical genre.
Some studies related to this research include a journal entitled, 'The Dynamics of Religiosity in Followers of the Punk Community' by Santi and Firda, their research shows that Punk children have a side of religiosity and religious awareness, on average they are victims of family disharmony and have hopes of returning to life like society in general (Pratiwi & Suryani, 2020). In line with this research is a thesis written by Reza with the title 'Religious Behavior of the Muslim Punk Subculture in Metro' which states that the 'Muslim Punk' community that Punk does not always have a negative stigma because their community shows religious behavior (Nadiroh, 2019).
Then the Journal written by Mahdi, 'The Punk Community; Causes, Effects, and Methods of Development in an Islamic Perspective' focuses more on the efforts of coaching the Punk community through several methods of advice, ta'widiyah, targhib wa tarhib, lectures, stories and dialog (N.K, 2018). Likewise, the journal written by Ade Irfan and Faisal in their journal, 'Communication Strategy of Tasawuf Underground Community in Da'wah towards Punk Community' highlights how the most efficient da'wah strategy is in fostering the Punk community (Abdurrahman & Saputra, 2021) and a thesis written by Ayu Aprilia entitled 'Ustaz Halim Ambiya's Da'wah Strategy in Fostering Punk Children in the Tasawuf Underground Community of South Tangerang' states that Ustaz Halim's da'wah approach -which is declared effective -is a persuasive approach with sentimental, rational and sensory strategies (Melany, 2020).
Among the results of these studies, no one has examined how the level of religious intensity of punk groups in West Java and their attachment and how the influence of punk religious intensity reducing their group attachment, so this point is the novelty of this research.
The corrective effect of religion is interpreted as the ability of religion, through its preaching programs, to make social improvements and overcome social problems. Indeed, the mission of every religion is to make corrections, resolutions, and reforms to social situations and conditions that deviate from religious sharia. Social deviance describes an action or social behavior that violates social norms. In religious perception, social deviance is nothing but a violation of religious laws (Sholeh, 2018). Thus, the corrective effect of religion on social deviance in this study can be described as the ability of religion to bring societal deviance back into its sharia. The corrective effect can be measured by considering the influence of religious intensity on one's attachment to deviant communities.
The independent variable in this study is the intensity of religiosity (X) and the dependent variable is community attachment (Y). Before looking at the correlation between the two variables, it is necessary to explain the operational definitions, dimensions, and indicators of each variable to facilitate measurement.
Intensity is the level of strength that is an indicator of the condition of someone or something that can be known through his habit of doing an activity. In certain aspects, one's intensity can be positive or negative (Poerwadarminto, 1978:437). Religion is a behavior or attitude that comes directly or indirectly from religious law so religion is a social symptom caused by religion in the form of social structures, social institutions, and social behavior (Suprayogo & Tobroni, 2001: 17-20). Five religious symptoms can be examined, namely followers, leaders, or religious leaders, thoughts, attitudes, and behavior as an actualization of religious teachings and beliefs (Mudzhar, 1998: 13-14).
The dimensions of religiosity according to Glock and Stark (in Rakhmad, 1989:93) include ideological, intellectual, experiential, ritualistic, and consequential. This research only focuses on the ritualistic and experiential dimensions which include religious rites performed by punk groups as well as their religious feelings and experiences.
Operationally, the indicators of religious intensity in this study include 1) the activeness of teenage punks to perform the five daily prayers as early as possible, 2) performing the five daily prayers on time, 3) performing the late daily prayers, 4) actively participating in congregational prayers, 5) performing sunnah rawatib, tahajjud, or dhuhur prayers, 6) fasting Ramadan, 7) fasting sunnah outside Ramadan, 8) reading Al-Quran, 9) feeling the presence of God or religious signs (confirmative), 10) feeling that God answers prayers or complaints (responsive), 11) feeling a close and loving relationship with God (exegetical), 12) feeling an agent of God (participatory) (Suprayogo & Tobroni, 2001: 22).
Community attachment is the participation and loyalty of punks to their community. The intensity of community attachment appears in the dimensions of appearance and togetherness. Indicators of group attachment in this study include 1) wearing shabby clothes, 2) wearing torn T-shirts, 3) wearing tight pants, leather pants, or bandages, 4) wearing Ilmu Dakwah: Academic Journal for Homiletic Studies 17(1) (2023) 155-176 earrings or piercings, 5) having tattoos and/or eyeliner, 6) having mohawk hair, 7) smoking, 8) drinking alcohol, 9) the length of togetherness in the community, 10) having free sex, 11) hanging out at night, and 12) wanting to leave the community.
The corrective effect in this study is described as the ability of religious intensity variables to improve, reduce, reduce, and/or loosen the attachment of the punk community. The level of religiosity intensity is thought to be directly proportional to the level of community attachment. Thus, with community attachment itself, this shows a negative correlation because the higher the intensity of religiosity, the lower the level of community attachment.
This study uses a quantitative approach through correlational analysis to determine the relationship between variables. This study uses statistical analysis, namely percentages, statistical analysis, and product moment correlation to measure the level of influence between variables (Sugiyono; 2010). There were 110 respondents randomly selected from urban centers in West Java. The sampling was done regarding the prominent characteristics of punk youth, namely those with mohawk hair, tight pants, boots, and various punk accessories.
Data were collected through questionnaires, interviews, and observations. The questionnaire was designed to reflect the variables of religiosity and intensity of community involvement. Each variable was represented by twelve indicator items. The questionnaires were completed independently by the respondents, but the questionnaires could also be completed by the interviewer if necessary. In addition to filling out the questionnaire, the respondents were also allowed to casually share their thoughts and feelings to reveal their original motives and attitudes, ways to identify them through their behavior, and the accessories they wear as a form of articulation of community attachment. They were invited to chat in their locations. Interviews and observations were necessary to get an overview of the development of adolescent punks in West Java. In addition, interviews and observations also served as tools to clarify and confirm the results of the questionnaire as the main research instrument.
The data collected was calculated through percentage analysis techniques to answer the first and second research questions (Sugiyono: 2007), namely religiosity and intensity of attachment to the community. The formula for percentage analysis is P value (percentage) is F (frequency) divided by N (the number of subjects) multiplied by one hundred percent.
For each of the twelve items in the questionnaire, three alternative answers were provided and each answer was scored with a score of 3 for answer a, 2 for answer b, and 1 for answer c. Then a nomination was given to each item according to the number of scores obtained from the item. While the nomination itself reflects the criteria A, B, or C which is determined from the interval of the lowest number and the highest number and is divided into three classifications, namely High (A), Medium (B), and Low (C). The interval formula is (i = interval, xt = highest value, xr = lowest value, and ki = interval class).
To answer the third research question regarding the correlation between religiosity and the intensity of community detachment, product moment is used, namely (rxy = correlation coefficient sought, x = variable x, y = variable y, xy = product of x and y, x2 = a number of squares of variable x, y2 = a number of squares of variable y, and N = number of respondents). This is a da'wah science study that uses statistics as a tool to examine numbers. The numbers from the statistical analysis are not the end goal of this study. So, with the interpretative method, the numbers are then further interpreted to be placed within the framework of da'wah, and linked to existing da'wah concepts, to find opportunities for new da'wah models.

Portrait of the Punk Community
A portrait of the development of the punk community can be illustrated from authentic stories of punk confessions. Most of them identify themselves as anxious and worried people facing life's problems and trying to find a way out. They also admit that they want to have freedom and want to have a social life where no one can oppress or exploit others (Khasan & Sukojo, 2017).
Twenty-year-old Doni Mulyadi says he has been in the punk community for two years. He went to college for one year before his parents divorced. This family problem made him choose to join the punk community. Although only in his second year, Doni has been trusted by his colleagues to become the head of the punk group in Bandung. Doni, who was born in Lembang and had set foot in Jakarta, expressed his feelings.
I take a dim view of the so-called authority. I can live independently. Not all punk kids are bad or messed up. There is a part of me that controls me and even reminds me of God. Back in Jakarta, my friends and I often participated in social activities and distributed food to the poor, street children, beggars, and scavengers. I used my own money for those activities. Doni also doesn't call himself a punk, but rather a street kid. "Even if I work and live on the streets, it is my own choice," he says. Indeed, in the punk community, there are various streams. There are punk members who understand the philosophy of punk, but there are also punk teenagers who just hang out. "But for sure, I'm not a bum who asks for pity. Let punk teenagers live their own lives and about religion, whether I will embrace it or not, it is my own choice," said Doni. By and large, punks see themselves as anti-establishment figures trying to fight for their lives. It should be noted, however, that while they recognize that they are not freedom-loving, they tend to be seen as a community that longs for love.
"The philosophy of punk youth is We Can Do it Ourselves," explains Doni. Thus, indirectly, they can build a good image for the punk community. In their minds, it doesn't matter if they dress in a punk style, as long as they can show independence and responsibility as the next generation of the nation. It can be said that members of the punk community have a positive self-concept, this can be seen from the fact that they feel confident and proud of their existence (Christi, 2015).
Another story is told by a punk kid in Ujungberung. Ayuan, known as Yuan, is an eighteen-year-old teenager. He has an intact family, although the family's economy is relatively low. Because his parents were trading, Yuan felt that he lacked attention from his parents, so he tried to find an escape.
When he was only in the second grade of junior high school, Yuan started hanging out with his friends outside of school. Yuan began to follow the habits of street children in terms of appearance, behavior, and even their way of life. Yuan began to leave his home because of the influence of his friends and now he lived on the streets like other punk children. He ignored the warnings of his parents and brother because he had a strong determination to be part of the punk community because of the sense of comfort and happiness in the community.
Yuan began to follow the habits of punk kids such as getting tattoos and wearing piercings. Yuan also became a street busker to make a living with other kids. He began to grow up with a commitment to the principle of "one meal, all meals". This is indeed one of the principles of solidarity of punk youth. In addition to food, the income they get from busking is also used to sniff glue, buy liquor, and so on. As a woman in a punk environment, Yuan said she feels comfortable because the punk community always protects her and will defend her when someone disturbs her. These rules make fellow punk children able to socialize, respect each other, understand each other, and help each other. Punks try to equalize their status so that no one can restrain them (Utami, Benyamin, & Aristi, 2012).
At the age of eighteen, Yuan began to feel warnings from within his consciousness. Her soul began to question the pattern of punk life that wandered without direction and purpose. Under her soul transmission, Yuan left the community, she left the punk kids and moved to become a KPJ (Street Buskers Community) kid. Yuan thinks that punk kids and KPJ have quite a lot of differences. "In KPJ, I don't live like a homeless person. I still go home," she apologized. According to Yuan, the proceeds from busking to KPJ children are given to his parents. This positive side is what made Yuan leave the punk kids and become part of KPJ. In short, she sees KPJ kids as better than punk kids, even though they often meet on the street.
In remote Arjasari, South Bandung Regency, Irfan, known as Bombom and Agan, lives in Batukarut Village, Arjasari District. According to him, many young people in this country try to identify themselves as punks without knowing the history of this community beforehand. They do not know the values that exist and what the community stands for. In general, young people in this country only adopt the culture of punk life without understanding the substance of this community. But, says Irfan, not all punk kids are like that, because there are still punk communities in this country that still uphold the existing values and are still consistent with efforts to be accepted by society.
Irfan further explained that the values in this community are solidarity and togetherness. What they have been striving for is that they want this community to be accepted in society. They want to change the minority view of the community so that it is not underestimated.
"So, those who damage or who give negative values to this community are just irresponsible people and they don't know the values that exist in this community," said Irfan. Therefore, Irfan urged, it is the responsibility of every punk member to socialize the values of their struggle to every member of their community. Irfan did not give an exact number when asked how many punk kids still uphold these values. He said, only a few punk children understand these values because the majority of punk children in this era of globalization only adopt foreign cultures for lifestyle. So, it is natural that people have a negative perception of this community. However, it cannot be denied that there are still punk children who still uphold positive values so that they can contribute more to their environment and get a positive response from society.
"Although this positive response is still small in scope, it can be used as motivation for all punk children," he said. At least this can explain that not all punk kids only follow the Western lifestyle.
Twenty-year-old Deni says he joined the punk community because he was motivated by self-discovery and freedom. Despite being forbidden by his family, he insisted on joining because he liked the "nomadic" life on the streets. Deni was only educated up to elementary school. His father works as a casual laborer and his mother is a housewife. Deni admits that he once worked but did not continue because he felt unsuitable for his job and wanted to make art in the punk rock community to increase his income.
Deni admits to dressing like this to show their identity to the community. According to him, the more logos and earrings he wears, the more appreciated he feels. With such a different appearance, he hopes to still be seen as equal by the community. When asked about the negative views of the community towards his group, Deni said, "Yes, go ahead, let it go, the important thing is that we don't disturb others, don't harm others." The last punk profile representation is Abdul Majid alias Buluk, twenty years old. He is the first of three children, originally from Malangbong, Garut, and has migrated to Bandung. His father and mother are still around, while his father died when he was five years old. His mother worked as a waitress in a restaurant in Cijengkol village, Malangbong. When Buluk worked as a parking lot attendant, he often saw punk kids passing by on the street. One day he engaged a punk boy in conversation and then he became interested in becoming a punk boy. Buluk admitted that he was interested in becoming a punk because he thought the appearance of punk children was cool and the social spirit among punks was very high because he felt there was a common understanding and faced many problems in his family. Used to hang out with punk kids on the street and under bridges, Buluk was considered a drunkard and marijuana user. He feels that being a punk is respected, his life is taken care of and he has many friends. Although people see him negatively, he admits that there are positive things he gets such as learning to live simply and feeling enough and proud of what he has. Buluk had a child out of wedlock. Now he claims to have repented, married, and taken care of his child. He currently sells tofu from village to village.
The punks learn music when they get together in between busking activities. Junior members learn with senior members. Senior members teach various musical instruments such as guitar, ukulele, drums, flute, harmonica, and jimbe. As street children, they look skilled at playing musical instruments according to their interests. The songs they sing are quite distinctive, with touching lyrics, sometimes satirizing people who look down on them, sometimes also satirizing bureaucrats and politicians. In addition to popular songs, they also sing touching lyrics. They work, express themselves freely and never give in to circumstances.
Punk children are synonymous with tattoos so tattoos become one of the identities of this community. It grows in their perception that tattoos are a work of art and a medium to express creativity. On the other hand, society has a negative perception of them, among others, because of tattoos. There is a desire from punks to change the public perception that tattoos are negative and synonymous with criminality. This explains why some punk groups try to act positively and avoid the impression of thugs.
The accessories carried by punks have a core message of resistance and self-protection from external threats. However, the community views it negatively because the community judges its thuggish appearance, tattoos, painted hair, dull clothes, and other accessories that make it cramped as an eyesore and disturb the beauty of the city. Their activities hanging out unclear make the community uneasy because they are worried that they will do reckless things that harm the community. Even if there are punk children who care about society and participate in community activities or help people who need help, this devotion does not necessarily erase the negative impression of society towards them.
Recently, punk groups have emerged calling themselves Muslim punks. They express their distinctiveness by singing songs about Islamic values, Palestinian freedom, and social issues facing the Muslim community. When attending concerts, the punks are happy to bob their heads as they sing praises to the Prophet Muhammad and listen to sermons. According to its initiators, Punk Muslim can divert their members to a more religious path. Still characterized by mohawks, arm tattoos, and faded jeans, Muslim punks claim to be rebellious and anti-establishment. While punk kids are often associated with violent and abusive behavior, Muslim punks want to change that bad image. The Muslim Punk movement has attracted many street musicians who claim that they have changed since joining the movement. They have slowly stopped drinking alcohol and their lyrics have become more positive. "People don't look down on us anymore," says a punk in Dago, Bandung.
From the results of interviews with some punk children basically, they are people who are looking for their identity, want to be appreciated, and show their existence, where things like attention, and recognition of appreciation they do not get in the family (Pratiwi & Suryani, 2020). The cognitive changes they experience during the transition from childhood to adolescence are increased abstract thinking. Idealistic and logical. As they go through this transition, adolescents begin to think more egocentrically, often viewing themselves as being on stage, unique, and invincible (Annisa, Wibhawa, & Ansari, 2016).
Apart from internal factors, external factors also influence. This is in line with social control theory which explains that deviant behavior is influenced by two factors. The first factor is an internal control problem in the form of norms that surround a person while the second factor is an external control problem in the form of social rewards for conforming to society and social punishment for people who violate these norms (Santoso, Anarta, Fauzi, & Ramadhani, 2021).
Social control theory states that to prevent the growth of social deviance, society needs to develop a sense of attachment and trust in the basic institutions of society. When ties between basic institutions and community members are formed, the social system will become more stable and balanced because each member of society can respect the existing and dominant social norms in society. The number of deviations will naturally decrease.
One of the fundamental social institutions that can fulfill the requirements of social balance and, in turn, can restrain social deviance is religion (Said, 2009). With its strong norm system content, religious systems play an important role as a source of social control (Irawan, 2022).

Punk Religiosity Intensity
The level of intensity of religiosity of punk children in Bandung is reflected in their level of activity in carrying out basic Islamic rituals such as prayer, fasting, reading the Quran, and the level of spiritual closeness to God. Their answers to a series of questions in the questionnaire are then tabulated so that the nominations can be known through the width of the intervals. The following table shows the interval widths and nominations. The table above shows that there are only fourteen punk children who show a high level of religiosity intensity in the interval 28-36. Fortyseven people showed a medium value of religiosity intensity in the interval 20-27. Meanwhile, the majority of punk children show a low degree of religiosity performance in the interval 12-19, namely forty-nine respondents.
To find the dominant performance in terms of punk diversity, of course, the nomination numbers need to be examined in terms of their frequency per value category. The frequency level can clearly show the nomination of the dominant performance of punks when calculated into percentage numbers. The following table shows the percentage for each category of punk religious intensity. The frequency distribution in the table above shows that the intensity of religiosity of punks in the highlands in the interval 28-35 only reaches 13%. As much as 43% showed moderate religiosity intensity in the interval 20-27. Meanwhile, the low intensity of punk religiosity in the interval 12-19 reached 44%.
The figure reflects that the punk community is not active in performing the five daily prayers. They more often perform prayers at the end or outside the time. In addition, the majority of the punk community tends to neglect the obligatory prayers. They leave the obligatory prayers alone, let alone the sunnah ones. Almost no punk children perform sunnah prayers, such as rawatib, dhuha, let alone tahajud.
The practice of fasting is also almost the same, with only a third of respondents always practicing the obligatory fast, and none of the punk communities studied practicing fasting. Reading the Quran is done by a small number of respondents, while the majority of them do not have the habit of reading the holy book. Meanwhile, regarding the awareness of divinity, although the majority of punk children seem far from God, it turns out that there are still those who feel God's presence, feel that God still hears their complaints, and grants their requests. Unfortunately, there are no punks who feel familiar with God, let alone to the participatory level of feeling like an agent of God, except for some punks who have left their community (community detachment), in other words, doing hijrah.

Punk Community Detachment
The level of the detachment of the punk community in West Java is reflected in their declining level of commitment to their community, which is indicated by the occurrence of attributes and duration of togetherness. The scores of the answers to the questions in the questionnaire are tabulated so that the nominations can be known through the interval width. The following table shows the interval width and nomination of the commitment of the punk community in West Java. The table above shows that thirty-nine punk children showed a high level of community attachment in the interval 29-36. Fifty-four showed a medium level of community attachment in the interval 21-28. Meanwhile, seventeen punk children occupied the low attachment category in the interval 12-20.
To find the dominance of this attachment, of course, the nomination numbers need to be examined in terms of frequency in each category value. The frequency level can show explicitly the nomination of the dominant punk community if it is expressed in percentage numbers. The following table shows the percentage for each category of punk community attachment. The frequencies in the table above show that the level of attachment of the punk community in the highlands in the interval 29-36 only reached 35%. A total of 49% showed community attachment in medium values in the interval 21-28. Meanwhile, the low level of punk community attachment in the interval 12-20 reached 16%. The difference between the frequency of high and medium intervals is rather wide at 14%, while the difference between the frequency of medium and low intervals is very wide at 33%. This suggests that 65% of respondents experienced some degree of community ties, although the level of ties was low and/or moderate.
Overall, in terms of the loosening of punk community attachment, the figures reflect that, although the level of punk community attachment is still relatively high, there is a tendency to loosen community ties for most punk members. There is a correction, albeit a small one, in the level of participation and loyalty of the majority of punks to their community. In terms of dress, for example, although in general they are still bound by Ilmu Dakwah: Academic Journal for Homiletic Studies 17(1) (2023) 155-176 belted, torn clothes, jeans, tight leather, and patterned bandage pants, some respondents have begun to reduce and start thinking about abandoning such clothes.
Likewise, with accessories such as earrings, piercings, eyeliners, mohawk hair, and tattoos, a small percentage of punk children have begun to reduce or even remove them. The level of detachment from community ties that is more pronounced in the case of cigarettes and alcohol is evident in the fact that most punk children have stopped drinking alcohol and reduced their smoking habits. Some punk children also began to distance themselves from their community by reducing the duration of being with their community, both by reducing the hours of hanging out and the frequency of days. The issue of free sex is only slightly among the punk children involved. All of these indicators show that there has been a decrease in attachment to the punk community, so it is not surprising that there are some people who have emigrated, and not a few are starting to think about leaving the punk community.

The Influence of Religion on Decreasing Punk Community Engagement
Measuring the effect of punk religiosity on the attachment of the punk community can be done using statistical analysis with the product moment formula, namely; . The x variable, which is the sum of the scores of one hundred respondents in terms of intensity of religiosity, was 1987, and the y variable, the sum of their scores in terms of looseness of attachment to the community, was 2794. The product of the x and y variables (xy) is 55806, the sum of the squares of the x variable (x2) is 49297, the sum of the squares of the y variable (y2) is 74792, and the number of respondents is 110. So, the correlation coefficient that shows the influence between the two variables (rxy) is 0.745288. The following are the results of the calculation according to the formula above. After the data is analyzed using the product moment technique, the calculated rxy is 0.745. The calculated rxy value is tested for significance by consulting the product moment table with N = 110 at a significant level of 1%, the product moment value is 0.255. According to the test rules, if the calculated rxy is greater than r table, then at a significant level of 1% the test results are declared significant. If the calculated rxy is smaller than the r table, then the hypothesis test is declared insignificant. The result of the rxy calculation regarding the effect of religiosity intensity on community attachment in this study is 0.745, a high/strong correlation number referring to the meaning of the product correlation value as follows: 0.00 -0.19 very low/very weak 0.20 -0.39 low/weak 0.40 -0.59 medium 0.60 -0.79 high/strong 0.80 -1 very high/very strong Thus, the hypothesis that there is an influence of religious intensity on the decrease in community attachment, in other words, the higher the religious intensity, the higher the loosening of attachment to the punk community, can be accepted. This research proves that there is a strong influence on the level of intensity of religious practice of punk members on the loosening of punk community attachment.

Da'wah Strategy Against Social Deviations of the Punk Community
The effect of religiosity intensity on the loosening of community attachment is significant, although most respondents only experience low and moderate loosening of community attachment because the intensity of religiosity of the majority of punks is also low and moderate. The punks who have high religiosity intensity are only 14%, but the punks who experience a decrease in community attachment optimally are twenty-five percent. In other words, 14% of punk children with optimum religiosity intensity have triggered 17% of punk children to experience optimum community bonding and even emigrate. On this basis, it can be predicted, that if the intensity of religiosity of punk children is high, of course, the level of detachment from their community attachment will be high.
The figures above also show that most punks are not fully affected until they emigrate as some punk members feel they can be Muslim punks, and remain attached to their community while remaining devout Muslims. However, there is still the effect of reducing community attachment by abandoning immoral practices such as drinking and promiscuous sex. This fact justifies the theory that, as Leonard Broom and Philip Selznick (1975: 40) write, for example, deviance is relative. An action may be considered deviant according to the normative standards of a particular society, while the same action is considered conformist and not deviant by another society.
The findings of this study also indicate the need to correct the nahyi munkar da'wah approach with a more persuasive approach. da'wah communication aims to form a social structure equipped with social norms and shape the behavior of the community as mad'u (Mubasyaroh, 2017). A good da'wah communication strategy is carried out with a persuasive communication strategy, namely communication that affects mad'u, so that it can raise its awareness to accept and take action according to Islamic values (Mubasyaroh, 2017).
Communication can be said to be effective if it shows at least the following five indicators: understanding, pleasure, influence on attitudes, better relationships, and actions (Slamet, 2009). Da'wah to overcome evil does not always have to be done through aggressive and repressive means. Overcoming punk social deviance seems to be more effective with a persuasive amar ma'ruf approach than repressive methods. They are simply encouraged (amar) to actively perform religious rituals (ma'ruf) which are daily religious practices. This means that even the most difficult efforts for deviant groups can be done with a ta'lîf approach within the framework of the process theory and stages of da'wah (Aziz 1999: 129-33;Solahudin 2007: 698). Punk children have the opportunity to be approached with amar ma'rûf, which is invited to carry out basic rituals flexibly according to the context. Persuasive da'wah efforts against deviant punks must also be done by taking their hearts through their hobbies. His penchant for playing music is channeled into religious lyrics while maintaining a musical genre that fits the punk context. The da'wah approach of the previous saints who used art and culture as a medium of da'wah is also relevant for da'wah steps to overcome this social deviation. With this approach, punks feel that they find suitability and comfort to be in a religious atmosphere while still developing their artistic talents and staying in the community until they emigrate to escape the bonds of the society later in life.

CONCLUSION
This research shows a strong influence of the religious intensity of punks on the tendency to abandon group identity. There is a positive correlation between religious intensity and the loosening of punk community ties to reach a coefficient of 0.745 (high/strong). Thus, there is a corrective effect of religion, through its proselytization efforts against social deviance.
Social deviation can be controlled by involving deviants in religious activities. From this finding, it can be predicted that the more effective da'wah among punk children, the higher the volume of punk children who emigrate from their community attachment. The findings of this study also offer corrections to the nahyi munkar da'wah approach. Da'wah to overcome social deviation can be more successful in achieving its goals if it is carried out gently with a more persuasive amar ma'ruf approach, rather than through a nahyi munkar approach that tends to be repressive.
The results of this study are expected to be useful for enriching the treasures of da'wah in the aspect of Nahyi Munkar. Theoretically, the findings of this research will make a significant contribution to the formulation of the theory of da'wah Nahi Munkar with a persuasive approach. Practically, these findings offer a wiser approach to preaching to deviant groups through Amar Ma'rûf. The punks can be approached through Amar Ma'rûf, by encouraging them to practice basic rituals flexibly according to the context, and their musical passion is expressed in religious lyrics while maintaining their distinctive musical genre.