Marketing Politik Aliran oleh Kandidat melalui Facebook dalam Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Jawa Timur Tahun 2018 Political Marketing of Stream by Candidates through Facebook in the 2018 Regional Election of East Java

ABSTRAK Berangkat dari riset-riset sebelumnya tentang marketing politik terdapat beberapa kekosongan baik dari segi konten maupun esensinya sebagai proses pertukaran dan interaksi politik. Berangkat dari pemasalahan ini, maka peneliti bermaksud untuk mengaktualisasikan esensi dari teori atau konsep dasar marketing politik ke dalam kontestasi Pilkada Jawa Timur tahun 2018 melalui pemanfaatan media sosial sebagai media interaktif. Di sisi lain, berkenaan dengan konten yang diangkat, peneliti memilih politik aliran sebagai sistem budaya masyarakat, karena aspek ini menjadi salah satu faktor penentu preferensi pemilih, khususnya di Jawa Timur. Dalam mengeksplor hal itu, peneliti menggunakan metode analisis isi kualitatif dengan teori marketing politik beserta orientasinya, konsep politik aliran dari Clifford Geertz maupun peran FB dan fitur-fitur di dalamnya. Temuan yang didapat menunjukkan bahwa politik aliran juga bergulir di kalangan elit politik. Masing-masing kandidat berusaha menampilkan beberapa karakteristik aliran yang dianggap familiar oleh publik untuk meningkatkan redundancy atau kepastian pesan. Dalam hal ini, Gus Ipul-Puti dinilai lebih kuat dan variatif dibandingkan Khofifah-Emil. Namun melalui reaksi publik, politik aliran yang disampaikan tidak semuanya dapat ditangkap secara jelas oleh pengguna karena ada kecenderungan perbedaan budaya antara pengirim dan penerima pesan. Meski begitu, implikasi dari penelitian ini bisa sebagai tolok ukur bagaimana memanfaatkan politik aliran secara efektif agar mendapat respon positif dari khalayak serta menjadi media literasi dalam mengenali simbol-simbol budaya yang diangkat dalam kontestasi politik di Indonesia.


INTRODUCTION
Regional elections or simultaneous regional elections will be held on June 27, 2018. In a democratic party, it has become the right of every candidate to campaign or known as political marketing. According to Ormrod, et al (2013), political marketing has a narrow and broad meaning. Its narrow meaning is how commercial marketing tools are used to achieve the strategic and tactical objectives of political actors. Whereas broadly, political marketing is defined as the role of marketing or marketing in political organizations that focuses on facilitating value exchange and building relationships with various stakeholders such as voters, opposing parties or candidates, and the media. Furthermore, Ormrod, et al (2013) emphasized value exchange as a fundamental concept in political marketing studies. According to Brennan and Henneber (2008), this exchange is understood as a sister interaction between POLITICON : Jurnal Ilmu Politik Vol.3 No. 3 two actors who have agency or voters and candidates who enter the exchange freely (in Ormrod, et al, 2013). Meanwhile, Henneber and Ormrod (2013) argue that political exchange requires three interactions and not only dyadic interactions (buyer / seller). The three interactions in question are political actors and voters, parliamentary interaction, interaction among political actors who have a mandate in parliament and governmental interactions between the government and citizens (in Ormrod, et al, 2013).When talking about the exchange and interaction processes referred to in the definition of political marketing above, there are several components that need to be considered, namely the communicator in this case is the political actor itself, the message, the media and the communicant or the voter. In today's digital era, demands in the marketing process are not limited to door-to-door or through traditional media such as television, radio, pamphlets, billboards and others. But it is more about the use of digital media, one of which is social media as interactive media. The increase in social media users is a very important entry point for political actors to reach out to their voters. So, there are many researchers in Indonesia who study about it like Pranawa and Humsona (2017) that applied case study methods and content analysis to political marketing from Teman Ahok organization which utilized several social media such as Twitter, blogs, Youtube, websites, Instagram and WhatsApp on the 2017 DKI Jakarta Pilkada. The results showed that political marketing strategies through social media were conducted by Teman Ahok which included the determination of the electoral segment, organizing strategies, setting the position of candidates, monitoring and evaluation.
Apart from Indonesia, in a global context, much of the research points to how Barack Obama revolutionized political marketing using social media.
The presidential campaigns of the United States in 2008 and 2012 have become a fundamental reference for researchers to further explore the media side. As for the research in question, one of them is Karlsen & Enjolras (2016) which examines the campaign style through social media and the influence of POLITICON : Jurnal Ilmu Politik Vol.3 No. But on the other hand, to increase the influence of each candidate, they need to carry out a hybrid campaign that is combined with traditional media such as television. In other words, in this case the role of social media is limited to increasing awareness of the profile of each candidate, but not the main determinant of increasing voter preferences.
In addition, there is also research from Vladimir (2018)  Apart from the demands of the use of media by political actors, the message which is the main object of political marketing must also be considered. Especially in Indonesia with its cultural diversity, local wisdom is one of the products that candidates can communicate to voters. Of the several products that are important to consider, political stream is one of them.
Because in terms of history and reality in the field, the religion or belief held by a society can have an impact on their political behavior. Panggabean (2017) explained, in Indonesia, religion in politics has a long history of influence. Previous studies have found that religion has played an important role in politics since 1955 (Liddle and Mujani, 2007). Geertz shows that political orientation in Indonesia is influenced by religious schools, which also represent classes (Liddle and Mujani, 2007). It must be admitted that the  (Wardani, 2017). In addition, the discussion raised is still limited to the marketing strategy and has not described the content in detail. Especially those relating to political stream. In his findings, the researchers said that content that was highlighted was more directed at forming candidate figures or images such as nationalistic, honest and hard-working. The impact of Ahok's identity as a non-Muslim on content marketing delivered and feedback from the public was not conveyed in this study. Not only is the use of social media less optimal and content that has not been varied, political marketing research has also not explored deeper into the public response.
Research from Pranawa and Humsona is still limited to the realm of communicators.
As for research in the global realm, the advantage is that they can focus on discussing in terms of the effectiveness of using social media, so that the findings appear that social media has less significant impact when it is not maximized through traditional media. But on the other hand, just like the research from Pranawa and Humsona above, the weaknesses of political what is considered important by the media will also be considered important by the public. So that when the two concepts are interrelated, they should also involve and emphasize the role of the media in shaping cues or influencing users.
And lastly is the weakness of the research on the public reaction conducted by Lappas, et al (2014). In this study, they tried to show the effectiveness of using Facebook in political marketing. They even stated that the number of likes and comments received by candidates had an impact on the choice results. Giving likes and comments on social media reflects the realworld support you get during the election. Although we have discussed in depth about the public's reaction, the problem is that there is no marketing content discussed. There has been no discussion about giving the highest likes and comments for what kind of content.
So that from some of the studies above, the weaknesses that are owned become a reference for the author to discuss them comprehensively or in other words emphasize the concept of political marketing as a process of exchange and interaction which has only been studied from one side. The efforts made by the author are to see how candidates are marketing stream politics (content Java Pilgub because the East Java region has been used as a barometer of the presidential election since 2014 . He added, whoever is a political party that will win the East Java regional election, nationally will generally win the 2019 presidential election (Saka, 2017 Pulau, Madura Bawean, and Madura Kangean (Leni, 2012).

RESEARCH METHOD
The researcher here applies a qualitative approach through qualitative content analysis methods. Qualitative content analysis is a method that uses an inductive approach. In Elo & Kyngas (2007)  will analyze each candidate's official account, @sedulurgusipul and @KhofifahdanEmil during the campaign period 15 February -23 June 2018.

RESULT AND DISCUSSION
During the 2018 Regional Election of West Java used political marketing stream by candidates to get the support from the voters. The political stream are directed at the abangan community and the santri community as well as a combination of the two. The characteristics used are text, photos and videos. This can be seen in table 1 below. to PDI-P. For nationalist posts the impact can be seen during a visit to Sidoarjo.
The content that was published was nationalist in nuance and the responses that appeared outline were also the same. Like Mila Savia who is domiciled in Malang, the East Java flagship product is ready to dominate the national market and even globally (Posted in 2018) Before discussing the discussion between data findings and theory, it is necessary to first know some related concepts such as the conceptualization of political marketing, political marketing in terms of communication theory (because there are points of similarity between the two, namely both emphasize the process of exchanging messages and the existence of interaction. ), political stream as content marketing and finally the electorate's reaction through interactive features like share, commen and like.

Conceptualization of Political Marketing
The use of the term marketing in the political field is inseparable from the interest to obtain or maintain power. Politicians who are involved in it will definitely try to 'sell' something both the product in the form of vision and From the brief explanation, it appears that some experts associate the concept of political marketing with interaction and political exchange (political exchange and interaction ). Political marketing uses the conceptual foundation of marketing theory (Henneberg, 2013) which is fundamentally an 'exchange' theory derived from social exchange theory (Blau, 1964;Homans, 1961, in Henneberg 2013. According to Ormrod (2012) On the other hand, political marketing strategies are also formulated by Newman (1994   oriented. On the other hand, the characteristics of the buyer or the arena of the targeted electorate cannot be ignored (Ahmad, 2017). Based on Ahmad's previous statement that the electorate is the arena of elections, then in the context of East Java Pilkada, social, economic aspects and no exception to local cultural issues must also be considered. One form of culture that has historically had a significant impact on election contestation is the political stream. This is where the research position will be explored more.
In the previous section, some political marketing research in Indonesia and globally focused more on political exchanges and interactions on the part of candidates, especially self-image that did not prioritize political stream. Personalization of politics where political figures or candidates become more important than political parties. Ideology and cleavages are no longer sufficient to explain voting behavior (Utomo, 2013). Meanwhile, in the global realm, the majority of research raised is about the effectiveness of the use of social media in the political marketing process. Some of the research that has been previously mentioned does not explore deeper the essence of political marketing exchanges and interactions in terms of audience response.
So according to Ahmad (2012), political marketing as a new field of science, still tends to not get a strong place in the social group. Political marketing still tends to be seen in the practical dimension, namely the use of marketing methods and techniques in the political arena. Departing from these weaknesses, it can be said that this study seeks to provide novelty in terms of content and exposure holistically about the essence of exchange and interaction in a political marketing process.

Political Stream
In the process of exchanging and interacting, the content being exchanged can be in the form of political stream, a cultural aspect that can have an impact on voter preferences in Indonesia. It should be noted that political stream was first introduced by Clifford Geertz through trichotomy of abangan, santri and priyayi. He put forward the concept after conducting research  (2012) that religion as a cultural system originated from a single sentence that defines religion as: 1) a system of symbols that aims; 2) building a strong mood and motivation, easily spread and not easily lost in a person by means of; 3) formulate a general conception of life; 4) attach the conception to factual emanations; 5) which in the end the conception will be seen as a unique reality.
What needs to be emphasized in this connection is that explicitly religion is a symbol system that can be the basis for one's actions in all aspects of life. This is relevant to the concept of the cultural system itself presented by Parsons that a cultural system is objective, a collection of symbols, signs, signals, words, and events that shape attitudes and guide actions ( Nurjaman (2013)  on how each group applied the teachings they believed in. The following is a complete explanation regarding the three groups: Abangan Geertz (1960) mentions that the abangan group is indifferent to doctrine, but is interested in the details of ritual. Whereas in relation to the political aspect as the focus of this study, Geertz (1960) explained that in abangan groups a religious-political sect emerged in which "authentic" Javanese religious beliefs merged with nationalistic Marxism which enabled followers to support Communist political policies in Indonesia and to purifying abangan rituals even the remnants of Islam are still contained in it.
One organization or social group that can be a representation of the abangan group is Permai. This game can be more accurately referred to as a political party that represents three things, namely a strong purification cult, a set of esoteric beliefs (teachings that can only be understood by certain groups) and highly anti-Islamic social organizations which consist mainly of city workers, workers or unemployment, rural radicals who miskind plantation workers.
In the Permai organization, there are books that appear to consist of a mix of modern nationalist ideologies, especially those contained in Pancasila,  (Geertz, 1960) Santri According to Geertz (1960), despite their extraordinary interest in doctrine, Modjokuto Muslims have never seen their religion as a mere set of beliefs, as a kind of abstract philosophy, or even as a general system of POLITICON : Jurnal Ilmu Politik Vol.3 No. bureaucracies, or political parties at local, regional or national levels. The gathering of santri in social groups or organizations or political parties with the same belief is described by Nurjaman (2013) that to santri in the 1950s, being obedient to religion meant striving for Islam to become the foundation or principle for political groupings, such as political parties and countries. Therefore, they established an Islamic political party, and in the 1950s they also tried to make Indonesia based on Islam.
Priyayi Geertz (1960)  Abangan trichotomy, santri and priyayi, invited some criticism from experts, one of them is Burhani (2017). He questioned the boundaries made so clearly between abangan, santri and priyayi. The Geertz concept seems to show no flexibility in the conditions of different societies. For example, an abangan seems anti-Islamic and does not practice religious law at all. In addition, a santri was assessed as those who only worked in Islamic boarding schools and came from traders, but did not consider that in other areas a santri might also be a prijaji. On the other hand, there are also criticisms that discuss the position between each group. Abangan and santri are viewed in terms of POLITICON : Jurnal Ilmu Politik Vol.3 No. religion, but for the priyayi group it is more discussed in terms of their profession. So in this context, each candidate can be said to be a prijaji. Each of them has a certain position or position in the government seat. And once again, this also confirms that not only the prijaji group is always identical to abangan.
In fact, some of the candidates like Gus Ipul and Khofifah came from santribased nahdliyin.

Political Marketing Orientation
Based on the conceptualization of political marketing which is based on the exchange and interaction process, it can be seen first from the point of view of the candidate's efforts, especially regarding political marketing orientation.
Political marketing orientation here is a form of placing the marketing position of the communicator, whether based on product-oriented (maintaining all components that exist in the candidate himself), sales-oriented (candidate figures and political policies are not influenced by the market, only how to sell POLITICON : Jurnal Ilmu Politik Vol.3 No. From these examples, it indicates that the approach to groups that have different s is one form of marketing to introduce candidate identities. Not changing the identity based on the wishes of this group. Stromback, et al (2012) states that when political parties implement sales-oriented, they believe in their ideas and policies, but they are aware that the product must be sold to the public; without having to change behavior or policies to adjust to the wishes of the community, but try to make them want or get to know the party's offer itself.

Actualization of the Political Concept of Stream Applied by the Candidates
For abangan stream, the majority findings indicate that the politics of abangan stream are not necessarily straightforwardly mentioned by the term.
But it is disguised through the use of the nationalist word. This refers to the statement of Geertz (1983) Therefore, contemporary nationalism, at the beginning of its period, focused on the terminology and symbols of anti-colonial struggle (Aspinall, 2015).
Therefore, in a text statement, Gus Ipul-Puti also included or showed their nationalist attitude several times in the form of strengthening local products or favoring the fate of the poor.
On the other hand, in contrast to Gus Ipul-Puti whose symbolization of the stream is more varied, Khofifah-Emil actually shows the majority of this attitude through text statements. Many of them focus on strengthening local products and taking part in the fate of the poor. For attributes and approaches to related parties, this pair does not reveal the dominant colors in the abangan sect or cooperates with nationalist figures. In addition to the abangan sect, Gus Ipul-Puti and Khofifah-Emil also actualize the political concept of the santri school. Conceptually, Geertz (1960) did provide reinforcement to the group of santri as a more religious group. Uphold the religious doctrine and not be indifferent like the abangan group. Therefore, Geertz (1960)  its actualization, the two candidates used almost the same methods, together approaching the kiai and other santri elements and wearing typical clothing of this group. But for the activities and use of colors, Gus Ipul-Puti is considered more prominent than Khofifah-Emil. They straightforwardly showed a combination of green and white while Khofifah-Emil was only white. Not only that, the activities of the santri group carried out by Gus Ipul-Puti were also often explored unlike Khofifah-Emil who showed less similar activities. it. For the contents of the santri for example. The characteristics that were raised were quite identical to the santri santri group, for example, the use of attributes such as sarongs, koko and peci clothes, skirts, more closed veils, related activities, approaches to to the kiai and other santri elements. As for nationalist content, the characteristics raised can also be captured by the public, such as including the PDI-P party symbols as a secular nationalist party and showing an attitude of nationalism by recognizing the superiority of local products. Even so, using the term Fiske (2012), Gus Ipul-Puti provides a stronger message redundancy. The use of symbols or artifacts either leads to a more varied and straightforward making this couple more able to be caught in the stream message in the political marketing process.

The Exchange Process and Political Marketing Interaction of Political Stream in Terms of Audience Response
On the other hand, for the audience response, the relevant theory in seeing the data findings is the second school of Fiske (2012), where there are those who can capture the political content of the stream and some who do

Suggestions for Future Research
This research is still limited to seeing public reactions through interactive features on FB.
And not yet optimally conducted interviews directly related to the relationship between the reactions given and real support through voting. Is it when one user supports a particular partner by giving likes, positive comments or even sharing a post to another user implicating the voting of the couple.
In addition, more in-depth studies are needed to find out the reasons for the candidates and their success teams about using political patterns of stream and placement. This research still sees political marketing based on political stream on its surface only or which appears in their posts. From these shortcomings, further research is needed on this matter as an effort to find out the dynamics and the extent of the political stream movements among actors and electorates. Because it must be acknowledged that the issue is one of the crucial aspects in general election contestation that can have a significant impact on voter preferences.

CONCLUSION
The process of exchange and interaction that occurs in political marketing gives an interesting picture of several things, first, positioning made by each candidate is more dominant in product-oriented. Although there are efforts to adjust to market needs in forming political alliances and implementing sales-oriented, data findings indicate that each figure retains its identity. Secondly, it relates to the political stream which is only examined at the ideological level and issues that arise in the supporting mass base without knowing how to represent all three when taken in the context of elections, the results of the study show that Gus Ipul-Puti was more dominant in terms of variations in the pattern and format of uploaded posts. Each candidate also tries to provide characteristics of stream that are known to the public so that they can increase certainty (redundancy) in the process of sending messages.
With some of these characteristics, the stream of charges conveyed through FB tends to be captured by the public, some who do not. The public who can catch it will give relevant comments and vice versa. The reasons behind this difference can be based on cultural factors which include, among other things, a lack of reference or user experience regarding the characteristics of political stream.